Доктрина Монро стала важной вехой в американской внешней политике, поставившей страну на путь превращения в гегемона континента
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The Real Meaning of the Monroe Doctrine Artur I. Gizatullin 2nd year bachelor’s degree student, faculty of international relations, political science and area studies, Russian State University of the Humanities, Moscow Svetlana Zh. Umarkanova senior lecturer, foreign language department, faculty of international relations, political science and area studies, Russian State University of the Humanities, Moscow Abstract. The Monroe Doctrine was a milestone in American foreign policy that set the nation on the path to becoming the continent's hegemon. However, the Doctrine is often perceived more as a gesture of aid to the Americas from a stronger neighbor than a deliberate act of strengthening its presence in the southern regions. This article examines how the Doctrine was perceived in the public, as well as what goals the leadership of the United States actually pursued. To do this, it analyzes the speech of James Monroe himself, as well as the letters and memoirs of his contemporaries. Keywords: Monroe Doctrine, United States, Latin America, doctrine, Monroe, America Подлинное значение доктрины Монро Артур И. Гизатуллин студент 2 курса бакалавриата факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения, Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, Москва Светлана Ж. Умарканова ст. преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения, Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, Москва Аннотация. Доктрина Монро стала важной вехой в американской внешней политике, поставившей страну на путь превращения в гегемона континента. Однако зачастую доктрина воспринимается скорее как жест помощи Америке со стороны более сильного соседа, чем как целенаправленный акт усиления своего присутствия в южных регионах. В данной статье рассматривается, как воспринималась Доктрина в обществе, а также какие цели на самом деле преследовало руководство США. Для этого анализируются речи самого Джеймса Монро, а также письма и мемуары его современников. Ключевые слова: Доктрина Монро, США, Латинская Америка, доктрина, Монро, Америка In December of 1823, President James Monroe of the United States made a significant declaration known as the "Monroe Doctrine." This proclamation laid the groundwork for the growing concept of Pan-Americanism.This doctrine was the result of a deliberate U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere, not just a diplomatic action. It represented a set of principles that were articulated by Monroe in his address to Congress. The doctrine was developed in response to the possible intervention of European monarchs in Latin America. It separatedthe globe into two distinct systems of global order – European and American. This declaration stated that European states should refrain from interfering in the affairs of both Americas. But it had the opposite effect, the United States pledged not to interfere in the affairs of Europe. Also the White House pledged not to interfere in the affairs of colonies and nations that depended on Europe. However, if any nation or state entity claimed independence that was recognized by the White House, the U.S. would consider any threat to such countries from Europe as a threat to the existence of the states themselves. [Millercenter 2023]. The U.S. also confirmed its neutrality towards the newly formed independent states of Latin America. As we can see, the "doctrine" clearly stated that America would not tolerate European expansion in South American and Central American lands. Nevertheless, the last section of the address tries to rationalize the potential southward expansion undertaken directly by the United States. It says that Europe's political system is significantly different from America's. Consequently, in order to maintain friendly relations with Europe, America will view any attempt to expand its world system to the Western Hemisphere as a threat to peace and security. [Millercenter 2023]. Numerous American statesmen exerted significant efforts to emphasize the progressive and non-aggressive nature of their doctrine. They sought to convince the global community that their actions had effectively safeguarded South America from potential intervention by the "Holy Union". The Doctrine itself was thought to have been instrumental in protecting South America from the economic and territorial exploitation to which Africa and Asia had fallen victim. [Latane 1922, p. 108]. However, we would like to consider the real perspective of this development and understand what exactly the United States wanted. Looking at what was happening in the world in the early 19th century, we can conclude that the real threat of an invasion of South America by the Holy Alliance was minimal. The German historian Manfred Kossack argued that the possible intervention attempts that many United States politicians used to justify the Doctrine were more like fairy tales and myths. [Glinkin 1991, p. 437]. The 1820s saw a flurry of uprisings and revolutions throughout Europe. In Russia, preparations were underway for the Decembrist uprising. Given all of this, it would have been madness to attempt to land a naval landing across an entire ocean and start a war against an entire continent. The United States remained well-informed about global developments, and the declaration of the "doctrine" wasn't primarily intended to offer support to newly established states. Instead, it was shaped by the long-term strategies of the White House concerning the entire Western Hemisphere. The Mexican politician and scholar Aguilar-Monteverde argued that the United States did not seek to lend a helping hand to the newly formed states of Latin America, nor did it seek to protect them from Spain, which it clearly did not want to go to war with. More likely, the true goal was to strengthen its own position in the south and lay the groundwork for future expansion across the continent. [Glinkin 1991, p. 437]. Between 1824 and 1826, several South American nations attempted to negotiate defense treaties with the United States, but the White House rejected them one by one. In March 1826, Henry Clay declared before Congress that America was not obligated to provide any assistance to the governments of Mexico and South America in preserving their independence. [Hopkins 1961, p. 1104]. In the first half of the 19th century, the Spanish Empire was in a state of decline. The Spanish colonies had already been in the throes of revolution for several years, which resulted in declarations of independence for several former colonies. Although the Spanish Crown was clearly unwilling to accept the new reality and European newspapers continued to discuss the possible intervention of the Holy Alliance. The French invasion of Spain only fueled such talk. Britain, with a clear naval advantage, was eager to find new markets in the Western Hemisphere. London saw the U.S. as a tool to influence the West, as America was still very much economically dependent on trade with Britain. [Dangerfield 1952, p. 283]. The fast and rapidly developing young nation of North America was determined to preserve and develop its independence. Therefore, it was driven to extend its influence across both the northern and southern regions of the Americas. To validate the United States' elevated "privileges" within the Western Hemisphere, particularly across the expanse of North America, American politicians consistently put forth a range of rationales. These included arguments such as the "natural boundaries" theory, the "political gravitation" doctrine, and the notion of the "American system," among others. Washington sought to maintain a policy system independent of Europe and emphasized the need to separate American interests from European ones. Even Thomas Jefferson conveyed his sentiments in a letter to the German scientist Alexander von Humboldt argued that European nations constituted a separate part of the world and that their geographical location put them in a certain framework, and he added that America should define its own separate interests that were not subordinate to European interests. [Lipcomb 2017, p. 22]. The concept of the "American system" found its most comprehensive articulation through the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Henry Clay. Addressing Congress on May 10, 1820, Clay proclaimed that America possess the capability to establish a system with it at its core, encompassing all of South America alongside us. This would yield significant benefits, particularly in terms of trade, positioning american nation at the world's trade center." Clay further accentuated, that with respect to South America, the United States would hold a position akin to that of New England in relation to US. Highlighting the vigor, industry, and economic prowess of the young North American republic, Clay asserted its competitive advantage over South America. He passionately urged his colleagues to "embrace genuine American identity and lead the American system" [A century of Lawmaking For a New Nation 2003]. In a separate instance, during a conversation with a Portuguese envoy in 1821, John Quincy Adams conveyed that the American system is already in place and that America defines that system. There is no shared interest or fundamental alignment between North and South America [Adams 1877, pp. 438-439]. Echoing the sentiments of influential figures from New England, Edward Everett, the editor of the North American Review, wrote that South America would serve a role for the United States akin to that of "Asia and Africa for Europe." This sentiment resonates with the observations of John H. Latane, who stated that the Doctrine safeguarded the Southern Continent from the destiny of Asia. In truth, it becomes evident that, from the perspective of the Americans, South America was envisioned as a new Asia. Although the Monroe Doctrine had complex and sometimes contradictory features, its general tendencies were toward nationalism and expansionism. These tendencies were aimed at strengthening and expanding the independent position of the United States in the whole Western part of the world. Therefore, it is not surprising that its principles were used not only for defensive reasons, but also against the new formed government of the Latin American, Great Britain, and other European states, all perceived as competitors to the United States' quest for influence within the Western Hemisphere. The doctrine's vague language and its form as a presidential message to Congress, which wasn't formalized as conventional legislation, provided the government with the flexibility to adjust the doctrine on a case-by-case basis to accommodate evolving historical circumstances. Thus, for example, when Latin American countries tried, referring to Monroe's message, to obtain from the U.S. specific commitments in case of a threat to their independence, they received an unequivocal refusal. In response to a corresponding request from the Colombian government, J. C. Adams in August 1824 explicitly stated that Monroe's message of December 2, 1823 could not serve as a basis for alliance relations. Similar appeals were rejected thereafter. The U.S. did not oppose England's occupation of the Falkland Islands in January 1833, nor France's operations against Mexico and Argentina in 1838, nor the expansion of British colonial possessions in Central America. The picture was quite different when it came to the expansion of the territory and influence of the United States itself. It is not by chance that the principles of 1823 were reaffirmed in the mid-1940s, when President Polk needed to justify the "right" of the United States to annex Texas, Oregon and California. President Polk declared in a message to Congress on the 2nd of December, 1845 that only the Americans have the right to determine their own destiny. He added that if any part of the Americas wants to unite with the United Stated it would discussed only by White House and this particular part without any interference from the side. Thus, we can say with full confidence that the Doctrine was used as a convenient tool for economic and, in some cases, territorial expansion, on which American foreign policy in the nineteenth century was undoubtedly based. Behind the pathetic proclamations of friendship between American peoples on both continents was pure pragmatism and concern for their own interests. All declarations of friendship collapsed when it came to practice. For example, the complete non-interference of the U.S. in the struggle of Latin American countries for independence, conditioned by the unwillingness to worsen relations with Spain. On the other hand, it would be foolish to accuse the White House of inhumanity and indifference. After all, the entire Monroe Doctrine is a very thoughtful act of foreign policy that has done America a lot of good. Two centuries later, we see that the U.S. is the dominant power in the entire Western Hemisphere, and the seeds of that dominance were sown in the early 19th century. References A century of Lawmaking For a New Nation (2003), «Annals of Congress, 16th Congress, 1st Session», available at: https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llac&fileName=035/llac035.db&recNum=2 (Accessed 13 August 2023) Adams, C.P. (ed.) (1877), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, J.B. Lippincott & Company, Philadelphia, PennsylvaniaDanerfield, G.B. (1952), The Era of Good Feelings, I.R. Dee, Bloomington, USAGlinkin, A.N. (1991), Diplomatiya Simona Bolivara [The Diplomacy of Simon Bolivar], Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Moscow, RussiaHopkins, J.F. (1961), The Papers of Henry Clay: Secretary of State 1826, University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, USA Latane, J.H. (1922), From Isolation to Leadership, Doubleday, Page, New York, USA Lipcomb, A.A. (ed.) and Bergh, A.E. (ed.) (2017), The Writings of Thomas Jefferson: In 20 vol, Forgotten Books, Washington, USA Millercenter (2023), «December 2, 1823: Seventh Annual Message (Monroe Doctrine)», available at: https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/december-2-1823-seventh-annual-message-monroe-doctrine (Accessed 14 August 2023) жүктеу/скачать 36.26 Kb. Достарыңызбен бөлісу:
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