quriltay in 1235 and it was decided to launch an attack against the West, i.e
Europe. Rashīd al-Dīn described it in detail: “Having returned in the Year of the
Horse (1234) from his conquest of the lands of Khitai, Qa’an had called an
assembly in Talan-Daba and held a quriltay. In this Year of the Sheep (1235) he
wished to reassemble all the sons, kinsfolk, and emirs and cause them to listen
once again to the yasas and ordinances. They all presented themselves in
accordance with his command, and he distinguished them everyone with every sort
of kindness and favour. For one continuous month, in union with his kinsmen, he
joined the morning /draught/ to the evening draught in feasting, and in his wonted
17
Buell 1993, 19-20.
18
Qazwini 1912, 116; Boyle 1958 I, 149.
19
A lay to the west of Kopal (Boyle 1958 I, 42, note 9).
20
Qazwini 1912, 31; Boyle I, 42
21
Zimonyi 1992, 351-352.
22
PSRL I, 453; Zimonyi 1992/93, 351.
23
PSRL I, 459; Zimonyi 1992/93, 352.
manner in accordance to his practice, he bestowed upon that assembly all the
valuables that had been gathered together in the treasuries. And when they had
done with feasting and merrymaking he turned to the disposal of the affairs of the
state and the army. And since some parts of the lands had not yet been conquered,
and in certain countries some were practicing rebellion, he set about dealing with
these matters, dispatching each one of his kinsmen in a different direction and
intending to proceed in his own person to the Qïpchaq Steppe. However, Möngke
Qa’an, who, although in the first flower of youth, had the perfect wisdom and
counsel of an old man, remarked upon Qa’an’s intention and said: “All of us
brothers and sons stand awaiting thy ever-fulfilled command so that we may give
our lives in whatever manner he may suggest whilst Qa’an busies himself with
spectacles and pleasure and amusement and does not endure the toils and hardships
of travel. Otherwise of what use are kinsmen and emirs, and a countless army?”
All present approved these perfect words and made them their model and guide;
and the august mind of Qa’an resolved that of the princes, Batu, Möngke Qa’an,
and Güyük Khan, together with others of the princes and a great army, should set
out for the countries of the Qïpchaq, Orus, Bular, Majar, Bashghïrd, Sudaq, and
/all/ that region and subjugate them all.”
24
The aim of the campaign was described
in the Secret History of the Mongols as follows: “Earlier on, Sübe’etey-ba’atur,
campaigning against Meket (=Magas), Men-kermen, Keyibe and other cities, had
crossed the rivers Adil and Jayaq rich in water, and had reached as far as Qanglin,
Kibcha’ut, Bajigit, Orusut, Asut, Sesüt, Majar, Keshimir, Sergesüt, Buqar (read
Bolar) and Keler peoples.
25
The subjugation of the Kipchaks were mentioned
among main strategic aim of the campaign.
The basic strategy of the Mongols during the western campaign was the attack
against the nomads on the steppe in summer and against the peoples of the forest
region in winter. The Hungarian friar, Julianus illuminated the matter with the
following words: “Those Russians, Hungarians and Bulgars, who escaped from
them, told me personally that the Tatars look forward to the coming winter, when
the rivers and marshes freeze and so they can plunder easily the whole Russia with
their numerous strength as they did in case of the Rutens.”
26
The great western campaign directed first against the Volga Bulgars. Mongol
forces joined near their country in the autumn of 1236 and conquered Volga
Bulgaria during the winter. The parallel and subsequent events of the raid against
the Volga Bulgars were recorded in the letter of Julianus. The attack against Saksin
on the lower Volga led by Möngke and Büjek with the left wing of the Mongol
army was described by Juwaynī.
27
Pelliot dated the campaign to the winter of
1236/1237.
28
After consolidating the Mongol power in the Volga-Kama region and
Volga-Don steppe the Mongols attacked the Mordvins and Burtas (Vedin/Veda
and Merovia by Julianus).
24
Ali-Zade 1980, 116-119; Boyle 1971, 54-55; Verhovskij 1960, 35-36; Thackston 1999, 324
25
Rachewiltz 1985, 26-27.
26
Vernadsky 1953, 50; Dörrie 1956; Göckenjan, Sweeney 1985, 104-105; Györffy 1986, 76-77.
27
Boyle 1958 II, 553-554 cf. Chinese description by Pelliot 1920, 166.
28
Pelliot 1920, 167.
Rashīd al-Dīn gave a detailed description of the events inserting the campaign
against the Hungarian king at the beginning of the report: „They all set out
together in the spring of the bichin yïl, that is, the Year of the Monkey, falling in
Jum d II of the year 633 /12
th
February - 12
th
March, 1236/. Having travelled
throughout the summer, in the autumn, in the region of Bulghar, they joined the
family /of Jochi/, Batu, Orda, Shiban, and Tangqut, who had also been deputed to
that region ... (Raid against the Hungarians)….Thereafter
29
, in the winter, the
princes and emirs gathered together on the River Yaman
30
and sent the emir
Sübedey with an army into the country of the Ās and the region of the Bulghar.
They /themselves/ went as far as the town of Kūy.k.
31
The emirs /of the town/,
Bayan and Chïqu, came and paid homage to the princes. They were received with
honor, but upon their return /Bayan and Chïqu/ again rose in revolt, and Sübedey
Bahadur was sent /against them/ for the second time in order to take them
prisoner.
32
Thereafter the princes held a council, and each with his army set out in an
encircling movement and attacked and conquered the countries which lay across
their path. Möngke Qa’an moved in such a circle upon along the bank of the river
and captured both Bachman, who was one of the chief emirs of those parts, of the
Ülirlik people in the Qipchaq federation, and Qachir-Ukula of the Ās people. This
happened in the following manner. This Bachman together with a number of other
robbers, had escaped from the sword and a further group of fugitives had joined
him. He would strike upon every side and carry something off, and day by day the
mischief he caused grew greater. He had no fixed place of abode, and the Mongol
army could not lay hands on him. In the daytime he used to lie hidden in the forests
on the banks of the Etil. Möngke Qa’an ordered two hundred boats to be
constructed and one hundred fully armed Mongols to be set in each, while he and
his brother formed a hunting ring and proceeded along the banks of the river. In
one of the forest on the Etil they found some dung and other traces of an
encampment that had been hurriedly abandoned. In the middle of this they found
an old woman, from whom they learnt that Bachman had crossed on to an island
and that he had acquired during that period by his wickedness and mischief was on
that island. Because no boats were at hand, it was impossible to cross the Etil, but
suddenly a strong wind arose, the water began to billow, and (it) receded from the
passage leading from the island to the other side; and because of Möngke Qa’an’s
good fortune the bottom became visible. He ordered the troops to ride in. Bachman
was seized and his army destroyed within an hour, some being flung into the river
and some killed outright. The Mongols bore off their wives and children as
prisoners, and they likewise carried off much valuable booty. Then they returned.
29
After describing the campaign against Hungary earlier events were mentioned Minorsky 1952, 228.
30
Yayiq i.e. Ural river cf. Minorsky 1952, 239
31
KWYK, KWXK, KRNK. The identification of the town is debated. Tizengauzen referrred to the Great City
without special explanation. Smirnov after Berezin (1951, 268) reconstructed as Kermenčuk. Fahrutdinov rejected
it as the town was located north of the Kama river whereas Bilyarsk was the greatest centre of the Volga Bulghars
south of the Kama, and Kermenčuk can be dated to the Mongol age (13-15th century) there is no trace of earlier
settelement there. According to Fahrutdinov the term can be read as Turkic kirmen 'town, fortress' (1984, 101-102).
32
The date of the revolt is uncertain cf. Smirnov 1951, 53-54; Fahrutdinov 1984, 100-102.
The water began to move, and when the troops had crossed, it was back again
without one soldier’s having suffered harm. When Bachman was brought before
Möngke Qa’an, he bagged to be put to death by the latter’s own hand. Instead
Möngke ordered his younger brother Böchek to cut him in half. Qachir-Ukula, the
Ās emir, was likewise put to death. That summer Möngke remained in that region.
Then in the taqïqu yïl,that is, the Year of the Hen, falling in the months of the
year 634 (1236-7/, the sons of Jochi Khan, Batu, Orda, and Berke, the sons of
Qa’an, Qadan and Güyük Khan, as also Möngke Qa’an, the grandson of Chaghatai
Khan, Büri, and the son of Chingiz-Khan, Kölgen, went to war against the Boqshi
and Burtas and conquered them in a short space of time.”
33
Julianus, Juwainī and Rashīd al-Dīn proves that the left wing of the Mongol
army under Mengü and Böchek marched against Bachman who must have been the
chief of the Kipchak tribes along the lower Volga in the winter of 1236-37 and the
Mongols conquered the steppe region between the Volga and the Don. After
defeating the Volga Bulghars the other Mongol princes, their western and south-
western neighbours i.e the Mordvas and the Burtas were subdued. The Mongols
reached the borders of the principality of Vladimir-Suzdal.
The Hungarian friar, Julianus was in Suzdal in 1237 and he copied a Mongol
letter written to the king of Hungary, which was confiscated by the grand duke of
Suzdal. Among others it is stated: „Further, I have learned that you keep the
Cumans, my slaves, under your protection. Whence I charge you that
henceforward you do not keep them with you, and that you do not make me your
enemy on their account.”
34
The Mongols regarded the reception of the
Cumans/Kipchaks as a hostile act. The Cumans on the lower Danube under prince
Borc embraced Christianity and became the subject of the Hungarian king with his
people in 1227 and a Cuman episcopacy was founded and the Hungarian king took
the title Rex Cumaniae from 1229.
35
It can be regarded a crucial motive for the
later Mongol invasion against the Hungarian Kingdom.
The Kievan Rus’ was not a centralized political unit, several principalities
flourished. The most powerful principality was that of Vladimir-Suzdal in the
north-east controlling Novgorod. The south-western part of Russia was unstable, as
the royal families of Smolensk, Chernigov and Volynia–Galich fougt for
supremacy over Kiev symbolizing the control over Russia.
The Mongols conquered Russia in two different phases. The attack against
north-eastern Russia was a complicated task, which was perfectly planned. In
winter 1237-38 the Mongols conquered the principilty sieging its main cities:
Rjazan’ on 16-21 December 1237, Vladimir on 3-7 February 1938 and defeating
the grand duke in the battle on the river Sit’ on 4 March. The Principality of
Vladimir-Suzdal, the most powerful state of Russia was totally defeated and the
Mongols left the territory of the principality in spring and arrived in the steppe of
the Kipchaks.
The next two years the Mongols first had to secure their further invasions by
seizing the steppe region and then they had to pacify the peoples of the northern
33
Ali-Zade 1980, 128-133; Boyle 1971, 57-59; Verhovskij 1960, 37-38; Thackston 1999, 326-327.
34
Sinor 1999,11.
35
Balogh 2001, 149-160; Kovács 2005, 55-66.
Caucasus. Rashīd al-Dīn recorded the events of 1238: “in the autumn, Möngke
Qa’an and Qadan proceeded against the Cherkes and, in winter their king, Tuqar
( Tūqār
36
) by name, was killed. Shiban, Böchek and Büri proceeded against the
region of Qirim and conquered Tatqara of the Qipchaq people. Berke proceeded
against the Qipchaq and captured Arjumaq, Quranmas, and Qiran (Arjumāk,
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