Интервью по телевидению. Но при этом, в отличие от других прославленных имен в национальной науке, его биография, наугад повторяемая многажды в газетах и журналах, на самом деле неизвестна



бет5/14
Дата04.03.2016
өлшемі14.15 Mb.
#41339
түріИнтервью
1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   ...   14

Список литературы


  1. Мухамбетова А. Проблема древнетюрского субстата в культурах западно-казахстанского кюя и среднеазиатского макома. // Музыкальная фольклористика: проблемы истории и методологии. М., 1990.

  2. Асафьев Б. Музыкальная форма как процесс.- Л., 1971.

  3. Асафьев Б. Три статьи о казахской музыке. Музыкальная культура Казахстана. Алматы, 1955.

  4. Казахский музыкальный фольклор. - Алматы, 1982. - 264 с.

  5. Утегалиева С. Категория пространства в инструментальной музыке тюркоязычных народов. //Сб. материалов и статей памяти проф. В. Дерновой. А., 1992.



Ж.А. Жақыпов

Астана қ., Қазақстан


ПАССИОНАРЛЫҚ ЖӘНЕ ҰЛТТЫҢ ТІЛДІК РУХЫ
Жазылмақ мәселенің мәнісін толығырақ байымдау үшін ең алдымен «пассионарлық» деген сөздің мағынасын бағамдап алған жөн.

Пассионарлық сөзінің төркіні – латын сөзі «пассио», «құштарлық, құлшыныс» деген мағынаны береді. Л.Н.Гумилев еңбектеріндегі мәністік өрісі мынадай мағыналық сыңарларды қамтиды: биохимиялық қуаттың молдығы, маңызды тектік белгі, табиғат құбылысы, этногенез импульсі, мінез-қылық сипаты (әрекетке құштарлық, шиеленіске қабілеттілік, айрықша белсенділік), сезімнің көріністері т.б. Міне, пассионарлықтың бұл белгілерінің қай-қайсының болсын жахандану шеңгелінен ана тілімізді сақтап қалуға септігін тигізеді (Жахандану барысын зерттеушілердің мәліметінше, қазіргі тілдердің 50%-ына қауіп төніп тұр, әр 2 аптада 1 тіл айналымнан шығып қалады, осы үрдістен таймаса, 2100 жылға қарай тірі тілдердің 90%-ы жоғалады).

Ол үшін пассионарлық құбылысын ана тілімізді феноменологиялық тұрғыдан қараумен байланыстыру қажет.

Қазақ тіл білімінде тілге феноменологиялық тұрғыдан келген еңбек ұшыраса қоймайды. Ал бұл, шындығында, қажет әдіс болып тұр. Біздің тіл құбылыстарын феномен деп қарайтын себебіміз – олар да ақыл-ой жетерлік мәнмен салыстырғанда, сезім тәжірибесімен қол жеткізетін құбылыстар; Осы күнгі батыс философиясының жетекші бағыттарының фенменологияның негізін салушы Э.Гуссерльге сүйенсек, тіл де, феномендер сияқты, адам санасының ең соңғы, тереңіндегі шындық. Бұл «таза» идеалдық формалар ретінде психологизммен бұлдырланбайды. «Феноменологиялық редукцияны» жүзеге асырған, яғни, өз тереңіне үңілген санаға феномендер өзінен-өзі көрінеді. Феномендер дегеніміз – идеалды нәрселер мен мәндердің бірілігі. «Таза сана» феномендердің ағыны болып табылады /1/. Байқап отырғанымыздай, феноменологиялық тұрғы да инсан мен этностың және тілдің идеалдық, кемел байланысын қарастыруға бағдарланады екен, қазіргі жалпы тіл біліміндегі өзекті бағыт антропоцентристік тілтану бағамдарына үйлес келмесе, қайшы келмейді екен. Демек, ана тілімізді зерделеу үшін ұлттық сананың тереңіне үңілу қажет екен, сонда оның феномендік мәні объективті түрде ашылады екен.

Тілдің феномендігін түйсінген сана оның экологиялық қамқорлыққа зәру екенін бірден байқайды. Өйткені тіл экологиясы дегеніміз –

- бұл – туған тілді, оның байлығын, тазалығын, саулығын қорғау, сақтау;

- бұл – тілдің тұтастығы, оның халықтың мәдениетімен байланысы, сонымен қатар жербетілік семиосферамен байланысы жөніндегі ғылым;

- бұл – сөздің энергетикасы, оның жасампаз күші, биосферамен байланысы, тірі табиғаттың тілімен байланысы жөніндегі ғылым (Л.Н.Гумилевтің ұлттың этногенезінің биосферамен байланысты екені туралы дәлелдерін тілтанудың осы тұсында қолданудың орайы табылады);

- бұл – сөздің рухани маңызы, оның инсанмен терең байланыстары, халық мінезі және тағдырымен байланысы, рухани жоғары кеңістікпен, Жаратушымен байланысы жөніндегі ғылым. Осыдан келіп, Жер экологиясының, биологиялық экологияның сөз бен рух экологиясын айналып өте алмайтыны айқындала түседі.

- сөз экологиясы ретіне қарай биоэкологиядан өзіне көп үндестік табады, тіпті, теримнологиясын да тиісінше пайдаланады. Мысалы, «лингвоцид», «лексикалық эрозия», « тілдік аллергия» ... (Л.Н.Гумилевтің пассионарлыққа байланысты айтқан мынадай тіркестерін «.....» еске түсірсек, үндестікті байқауға болады). Осы тұста қазіргі ғылымда жаңа құбылыс ретінде қаралып жүрген «меметика» құбылысы өзекті мәселе екені байқалады. Бірақ мұны кейін арнайы сөз етуді жөн көрдік.

Қазіргі кезеңде лингвоэкология тұрғысынан қарау арқылы ғана тілдің құдыретін жандандыруға болады. Ал қазіргі тіл біліміндегі бағыт-бағдарлар оған нұсқамайды. Себебі тіл туралы батыстық ілімдерде (герменевтикалық, семантикалық, құрылымдық) тілдің ақпараттық, логикалық жақтарына ден қойылады. Осы дәстүр рационалистік, кибернетикалық бағытты дамытуда (Бұл бізде де бар). Сөз деген – сигнал, техникалық құрал, тіпті, адамның өзі сөз немесе мәтінге жатады деп мәлімдесе де, батыстың бағыты, міне, осындай. Р.А.Будаговтың көрсетуінше, сөздің табиғаты мен мәні жөніндегі қиын да күрделі мәселеге бас қатыруға мәжбүр болмау үшін Америка тілтанушылары, тіпті, сөз ұғымынан бас тартқан /2/. Ал В.С. Миловатскийдің дәлелдеуінше, орыс философиясы мен мәдениетінің дәстүріне сөзді әлдебір жанды(тірі) да рухани нәрсе деп қарау тән. Қазіргі кезеңде Россияда тілді екі жолмен зерттеу бар: ақпараттық-рационалшылдық, мұны лингвистер ұсынады; рухани-метафизикалық, мұны діни философтар ұсынады. Бұлардың арасындағы ықпалдастық арта түсуде, жемісті бола түсуде /3/.

Қазақ тіл білімі тіл мен жазуға ақпараттық тұрғыдан қараудан ары аса алмай отыр. Алайда, қазақ халқының «тілде сүйек жоқ», «тіл тас жарады, тас жармаса да бас жарады», «сөз сүйектен өтеді», «Кісіге қарап сөз алма, сөзіне қарап кісіні ал (Абай)» деген пікірлеріне қарасақ, біз тілді қарым-қатынас құралы ғана деп қарамайтынымыз байқалып-ақ тұр. Ал тілге діни ғылым (рух ғылымы) мен дүниеауи ғылымның байланысы бізде әлі сезіле қойған жоқ.

Тіл экологиясының биосфера бөлшегі ретіндегі адаммен тығыз байланысы бар. Мұның объективті-тарихи генезистік түп түрткісін мыналардан көруге болады.

Алыс замандардан бері биологиялық ақпарат ағындары Жер шарын орап жатыр. Бұл ағын қоюлана келе неғұрлым күрделі ағзалар тудырып отырды. Содан дамыған миы бар жоғары деңгейдегі жануарлар және, ақырында, эволюцияның жеке тармағы емес, тұтастай биосфераның ақпараттық өрісінің туындысы ретіндегі адам пайда болды. Биосферада вирустан адам ағзасына дейінгі тірі табиғат атаулыны қайта жасайтын биологиялық тіл (ген, медиаторлар, нейрондық кодтар) пайда болды. Алайда бұл аздық етті. «Ақыл-ой мұхиты», биосфералық «солярис» сөзді орнататын, оны қабылдайтын, түсінетін, оған қуанатын, оны айтатын біреуге мұқтаж болды. Табиғатқа, жаратылысқа ақпарттың жай ғана үнсіз ағыны емес сөз керек еді. Биологиялық ақпарат, сөз болмаса, тиянақтала алмас еді, ырықсыз, тоқтаусыз болар еді. Бұнда өмірді құнсыздандыратын еріксіздік, механикалылық сияқты бірдеңе бар.

ХХ ғасырдың орта шенінде Тейяр де Шарден мен Вернадский планеталық кеңістікте әлдебір ықпалды және айырықша бірдеңе барлығын түсінді. Оны ноосфера, яғни, ақыл-ой сферасы, тіпті, планеталық ақыл-ес, деп атады. Сөз – рухани әлемнің «тірек құрастырмасы»: оның әрекеті арқылы поэма, трактат т.б. ғана емес, адам әлемі мен оның болашағы жасалады. Жер ноосферасы жеке адамдардың микроноосферасынан түзіледі және әркімде бұл өзіндік, өзгеше болады. Әр адамның өз айналасында көрінбейтін өз ноосферасы болады, бұл елеулі дәрежеде сөздерден жасалады. Ал адамның сөз әлемі, оның инсандық сипаты неғұрлым бай болса, соғұрлым айырықша болады.

Ал өткен ғасырдың соңына қарай біздің планетамызда сөздің әлі байқалмаған кеңістігі бар екені белгілі болды. Сөйтіп, 80-ші жылдары Тарту семиотикалық мектебінің көшбасшысы, филолог Ю.М.Лотман өзінің 25 жылдық еңбегінің нәтижесінде семиосфера (Вернадскийдің ноосферамен үндес) жөнінде соны тұжырымдама ұсынды. Бұл тұжырымдама ғаламшарды қамтитын сөз бен басқа мәністік таңбалар туралы еді. Лотман: «Осы мағынада алғанда қазіргі әлем семиосферасы ғасырлар бойы кеңістікте тоқтаусыз тарала отырып бүгінде ғаламдық сипатқа ие болды. Ол Жер серіктерінің сигналдарын да, ақындардың өлеңдерін де, хайуанаттың даусын да қамтиды. Семиотикалық кеңістіктің бұл элементтерінің бір-бірімен байланысы қиял емес, шындық. Семиосфера халықтардың және жеке адамдардың тілін анықтайды, онсыз ешқандай мәдениет, адамдардың ешқандай ақпараты, адамзаттың өзі өмір сүре алмайды. Өзінің негізгі белгілері жағынан семиосфера биосфераны айырықша еске түсіреді. Бұл да ақиқат, тұтас, планетаны қамтиды, өз бөлшектерін (тілдерді) белгілейді, шекаралары бар, ядросы (кіндігі) бар, жады бар, тіпті, өзіндік тексанасы бар, семиотикалық даралығы бар (бұл жағынан алғанда семиосфераны «семиотикалық жеке тұлға» деуге болады). ... семиосфера деңгейлерінің бәрі – адамның жеке тұлғасынан немесе жеке мәтіннен бастап ғаламдық семиотикалық бірліктерге дейін – бір-біріне енгізілген сыңайлы семиосфералар болып табылады». – деп жазады /3/.

Сөйтіп, сөз экологиясы ғаламдық семиотикалық көктен (аспаннан) бастау алып адамзат атаулыны және әрқайсымызды қоршап тұрады. Бұл болмаса, биосфера мен оның ақпараттық өрісі де болмас еді. Басқа да тірі ағзалар сияқты семиосфераға да гармония қажет. Алайда, өзіне сеніп алған адамзат мұны түсінбейді, сөзді өмірмен байланыстырып тұрған кіндікті аяусыз үзіп тастауға, рационалдау, техникалау, сол арқылы тілді жансыздандыруға асығуда. Соңғы ғасырларда мұндай үдеріс дүние жүзінде байқалуда әрі техникалық прогрестің мәжбүрлеуімен немесе техникалық прогресті жамылып тездетілуде. Бұл жөнінде С. Қара-Мырза дәл айтқан: «... ғылыми революцияның бір салдары бұрын ойға келмеген нәрсе – жаңа тілдерді саналы түрде жасау болды. ... қасиетінен, киесінен айырылған әлемді түсіндіру үшін жаңа тіл қажет болды» /3/.

Иә, семиосфера тұтас. Өкінішке қарай, оның бұзылуын саяси және тілдік шекаралар ұстап тұра алмайды. Кез келген елдегі сөздің бұзылуы адамдар, жануарлар мен өсімдіктер әлемін бұзады, табиғаттың бұзылуы қайда болсын, қашан болсын сөздің бұзылуынан басталады. Ал зақымданған табиғат бұзылған сөзден кегін оны өшіру арқылы алады – сөзі жоқ ғалам қаңырап қалады.

Қай халық болсын қайта жаңғырып отыру үшін, жалғасу үшін биологиялық ген сияқты тұқымдық коды болуы керек. Ал бұл код сөз, ұлттық тілсіз өмір сүре алмайды. Халық тілден басталады. Ұлттық тіл - сөз экологиясы тұрғысынан тұрғысынан қарағанда, халықтың геномы болып табылады. («Тіл этностың ең айқын және тұрақты көрсеткіші болып саналады» Н.И.Толстой.) /4/ Қай халық болсын қайта жаңғырып отыру үшін, жалғасу үшін биологиялық ген сияқты тұқымдық коды болуы керек. Ал бұл код сөз, ұлттық тілсіз өмір сүре алмайды. Халық тілден басталады. Ұлттық тіл - сөз экологиясы тұрғысынан тұрғысынан қарағанда, халықтың геномы болып табылады. («Тіл этностың ең айқын және тұрақты көрсеткіші болып саналады» Н.И.Толстой.) /4/

А.Федотов «Өткен ғасырдың аяқ шенінен бастап-ақ биосфера тұрақты қалпынан шығып кетт1, Жер апат кезеңіне келіп кірді». – деп дабыл көтереді /5/. Бұл деген сөз – ноосфераға, соған орай семиосфераға да қауіп төнді деген сөз. Оған қарсы қояр күш, біздіңше, бұлардың бірлігін сақтау, бір-біріне үйлесімін сақтау. Олай болса, ана тілін жандандыру арқылы біз өз табиғатымызды, рухымызды сақтап қаламыз, апатқа қарсы тұра алатын боламыз.

Бұл үшін, әрине, ұлттық пассионарлық керек, өйткені «Пассионарлық кернеу болмай, этностың да болуы мүмкін емес /6: 260/. Пассионарлық сыртқы ықпалға тәуелді емес, ол – этникалық субстраттарды жаңа суперэтникалық жүйеге айналдыра отырып, олардың жаңа қозғалыстарын өмірге келтіретін маңызды тектік белгі /6: 272/. Пассионарлық популяциялық деңгейде этнос қарекеттері қоршаған орта, мәдениет және генетикалық жадпен жосықталады /7: 494/. Л.Н.Гумилевтің осы еңбегінде мына сияқты ұғымдық-пайымдық тіркестер бер: «пассионарлықты мұраға алып қалды»; «пассионарлық тектік қор»; «пассионарлық қорды соғыстарда шығындап алды» /7: 57/; Бұл біздің қазақ тағдырына орайласатын құбылыстар сияқты. Біз түркілерден пассионарлықты мұраға алып қалдық, ол Алаш дәуіріндегі жанкештілікте көрініс берді. Алайда пассионарлық тектік қордлы біз сол отарлаудың ықпалымен шығындап алған сияқтымыз. Содан бері енжарлық бір күйді кешіп келе жатырмыз. Л.Н.Гумилевтің жазуынша: «Тыныштық күйдің инерциясын бұзатын бастапқы түрткі - бірнеше пассионар тұлғалары бар ұрпақтың өмірге келуі» /6: 272/.

Біз осылай болатынына сенгіміз келеді, түркі рухтың жандануына, пассионар ұлт болатынмызға, соның арқасында қоғамымызда тіліміздің рухы асқақтайтынына сенгіміз келеді.


Пайдаланылған әдебиеттер
1. Зорин В.И. - Евразийская мудрость от А до Я. Философский толковый словарь. - Алматы: Сөздік-Словарь, 2002.

2. Будагов Р.А. - Язык – реальность – язык. - М., 1993.

3. Миловатский В.С. – Об экологии слова. – М.: Просветитель, 2001. // KLADINA. NAROD. RU

4. Толстой Н.И. - Язык и народная культура. - М.,1995.

5. Федотов А. Эпоха глобальной экологической катастрофы и модель мировой системы, способы ей противостоять // Диалог. - 2001. - № 2.

6. Гумилев Л.Н. - Этногенез и биосфера Земли. – Л.: Изд-во ЛГУ, 1989.

7. Гумилев Древняя Русь и Великая степь. В 2-ах книгах. – Кн.1. – М.: Институт ДИ – ДИК, 1997.

Takashi ŌSAWA

Osaka University, Japan


HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE ON THE COEXISTENCE OF LANGUAGES, CULTURES AND CULT-BELIEVES UNDER THE EARLY OLD TURKIC KAGHANATE

FROM THE ÖTÜKÄN YÏŠ TO THE TIANSHAN REGIONS
Preface

As we known well, 突厥可汗Tujue kehan from old Chinese Chronicles meaning the Old Turkic Kaghan have ruled the Mongolian Steppe in AD 6-9th century before the Kitany and Tatar nomad peoples emigrated from the Eastern Mongolia and the northern steppe of Manchuria passing over the Daxianlei Mountains. At that time, in Mongolia under the rule of the nomad powers, sedentary peoples involving Chinese, Iranian, Sogdian, Indian and others peoples have resided serving the Old Turkic rulers as political advisers, merchants, diplomats, soldiers and workmen etc. And it is undoubted that they have influenced nomad peoples from the viewpoints of the thought, languages, and way of lives. According to the recent historical, philological and archaeological materials unearthed from Mongolia and other countries, it seems undoubted that nomad peoples began to use the Old Turkic runic scripts and Turkish languages as the official one in the first period of the 8th century at latest, although they have used the Sogdian or Chinese languages as official languages in the contract or diplomat documents. However, recently I noticed two stone steles of the Brahmi scripts (may be the Sanskrit language) from the Mongolian steppe.

From these steles, we can assume that at that time Buddhism had an effect on the sedentary peoples under the nomad peoples through the Buddhist monks that had emigrated from Gandhara, oasis countries along the Tianshan Mountains and then the northern China to the Mongolian Steppe under the nomad powers. They had a close relation each other under the Buddhist cultural networks.

And also in the Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kirgizstan, Kazakhstan and Xinjiang regions along the Tianshan Mounatins including the Altai regions also had been ruled by the Western Turkic Kaghanate sicne the middle of the 6th AD. These regions have varieties of the geographical and historical features as well as Mongolia, especially Indo-European peoples such as Khotan-Saka, Iranina, Sogdian and Indians etc. invaded and settled as the Buddhists or other religious believers in the oasis countries since the 5th BC. Also at that time, they had close relationship from the political, economic and cultural points of views with the nomad peoples such as Skythai, Xiungnu (Xwn), Usun, Gaoche, Eftalite, Avar, Turks, and Mongols etc. Especially also in the Old Turkic period, on one hand sedentary peoples such as Sogdian, Chines and Indians are ruled by the Old Turkic Kaghanate, on the other hand they served the Turkic Kings from the commercial and social pints of views.

In this article, I would like to consider the close relation between sedentary peoples and Old Turkic Kaghanate from the viewpoints of varieties of languages, cult-believes and cultures on the basis of analysis of new archaeological and philological-historical sources.

I. Common language of the First Old Turkic Kaghanate

As well known, since the construction of the First Old Turkic Kaghanate in the middle ages of the 6th AD., the political leader named Kaghan or Khan and the elite peoples as his commanders named Yabgu, Shad, his successors named Tigin, and the high-ranking officials named Tudun, Chor, Tarkan and likes have used the Turkic languages as the native and common languages between them. However, when Old Turkic peoples communicate with the foreigners such as Chinese or Iranian peoples, they usually utilized the Sogdian merchants or armies as the attendant of the diplomatic, economic and cultural issues. For example, the first Kaghan Illig Kaghan (Bumin Kaghan in the Orkhon inscription) sent a Sogdian安諾槃陀Anakhtvantak meaning ‘the slave of the Goddess Anakhita’ resided in the 涼州Liangzhou (Guchen city) to the emperor of the Western Wei dynasty in the 551 year AD. And it is well known that he became delighted and may say that this is good omen for our society and our state will make a progress from now on.

From this fact, we can understand that Sogdian merchants played the important role as the interpreters to communicate with the political leaders of the 拓跋Tuba blanch tribe of the  鮮卑 Xianbi peoples that used Chinese languages as official languages and Xianbi languages (proto-Mongolian language) as common language.

A
s the relation to this, most of the researchers that Old Turkic speaking nomad leaders generally used Turkic languages as the native languages between them, however, when they has no original alphabets or do not create the letters for expressing their native languages until the 8th century, they could not help using the other languages such as official languages such as Chinese and Sogdian languages. To this, Old Chinese sources of Zhoushu 50 tell us that 突厥Tujue (Old Turk) peoples has no original script, however, it seems that their scripts are similar with <胡字Huzi> , that is, Sogdian scripts (ZS-50, p.910)

Map. 1. Old Turkic and Uighur inscriptions in Mongolia (by Takashi ŌSAWA.)


1-1. The Sogdian inscription and the Brahmi inscription from the Bugut stele in Mongolia

For example, there is a stele named Bugut stele that was built near the steppe along the Tarim River and the eastern side of the Khangai Mountains named Ötükän yış in Old Turkic stele and also in Chinese letters at that time. This Bugut stele has the four sides of the three sides have Sogdian letter and language as writing letters. And one has the Brahmi scripts (aksara). Until now, peoples told that the first part is the wide side of the Sogdian sides. However, as suggested by Y. Yoshida and T. Moriyasu in the report 1999, other wide side should be the front side of this inscription. Because if the wide front side of the Sogdian text is the front side, the head line should be begun from the wide side of the Sogdian text, however, the first line is begun from the left side of the Sogdian text. Secondly from the context of the Sogdian text, this inscription was named meaning ‘this stone of Law’ (this Dharma in the Buddhism doctrine) was built by kings of the Ashinas family. Thus we can see evidently that the demonstrative adjective meaning ‘this’ must indicate this inscription, so the latter name <nom sanka> (stone of Law) indicates this inscription. From these reason, this inscription was built not only for the honor of the dead Turkic Tatpar kaghan, but also for praising the Law of Buddhism in his country. And of all sides of this inscription, Burahmi text side, however, this part was badly destroyed and too difficult to be interpreted.







Fig. 1. Bugut site (over) , and the Bugut stele (B-1 side; B2, B4) Bugat county, in Arkhangai province, Mongolia) (Kharzhaubai 2003: 346).









Fig.2. Bugut inscription (Left- B-2 of Sogdian letters, right-B-4 of Brahmi

letters) (Photos by Takashi ŌSAWA in 1997).



Fig.3 The landscape of the eastern mound of the Bugut site (Photo by

Takashi ŌSAWA, 1997).
1-2. Translation of the Sogdian Text from the sides of the 1~3.l lines of the Bugut stele

Firstly the transliteration and translation of the Sogdian text was published in 1971 (Livshits & Klyashtornyi 1971: pp.139-141), and then in 1972 by Livshits and Klyashtornuyi. Afterward, historians utilized this reading (Livshits & Klyashtornuyi 1972: pp.85-89), however, there are unresolved personal name and questionable terms that cannot be attested from the Old Chinese chronology such as Zhoushu or Suishu in their interpretation. So we tried to investigate this inscription and sites, and the text was also reinterpreted and translated into English and Japanese by Japanese Iranist Prof. Y. Yoshida in 1999. Now I would like to incite his new translation in the following from (Yoshida and Moriyasu 1999: 122-125).

B-1: left side of the Sogdian text; B-2: central side of the Sogdian text;

B-3: right side of the Sogdian text.

…: Illegible letters with some traces.

***: damaged nad illegible part of unclear verb.



Kings of the Turkish Ashinas tribe have established [this] stone of law when***Muqan Qaghan’s Yaruka-brother (named?) Niwar Qaghan ***ed for the sake of Urkupar Cracu Magha Tatpar Qaghan.

Then, God(like) Muqan Qaghan and God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan were the (two) rulers upon the whole world from the east to the west.

... ... ... Then, after that God(like) M[uqan Qaghan] ... ... ... He returned to the God (= died).

Then, to ... ... ... Magha Tat[par Qaghan’s prince]s, Shadapits, Tarxwans, Xurxapcins, Tuduns, ... ... ... [said to him]:“... Your elder brother Muqan Qaghan passed away. He ruled countries ... ... ... the seven continents (= the whole world) and fed the people well. Now, You God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan, also [become a ruler and] rule the seven continents in that way and feed the people!”

Then, the God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan also ... ... ... listened to the consultation (or: took the advice of the consulting people) and became a king in the year of hare. He ruled eleven years. ... (his) body ... ... He returned to the gods (= died).

Then, to ... ... ... Magha Tat[par Qaghan’s prince]s, Shadapits, Tarxwans, Xurxapcins, Tuduns, ... ... ... [said to him]:“... Your elder brother Muqan Qaghan passed away. He ruled countries ... ... ... the seven continents (= the whole world) and fed the people well. Now, You God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan, also [become a ruler and] rule the seven continents in that way and feed the people!”
Then, the God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan also ... ... ... listened to the consultation (or: took the advice of the consulting people) and became a king in the year of hare. He ruled eleven years. ... (his) body ... ... He returned to the gods (= died).

Afterwards, Shadapits, Tarxwans, Xurxapcins ... ... ... ***ed. Then, they made Magha Umna Qaghan a king ... ... ...

[Magha Umna] Qaghan ordered to build a great ... for the sake of (his) father Magha Tatpar Qaghan. And he also ordered to establish a great stone of law.

When the stone of law [was established] ... ... ... God(like) Magha Tatpar Qaghan’s princes, as well as grandsons and great-grandsons, ... ... ... and Shadapits and Xurxapcins and relatives and the people, when (they) ***ed for a week (altogether) with ... cavalry ... ... ... they killed ... ... ...

After that, God(like) ... [Qaghan] ... ... ... ordered to establish [the stone of law]. When the two rulers ... ... .... ***ed they were in pursuit (after him?) upwards.

... ... ... they took ... ... In the year of *** Magha ... [Qaghan] ... ... ... (they) took *** and all the others.

... ... ... the two Qaghans’ *** Magha

... ... ... (he?) blesses good wealth (and religious) service.

... ... ... in that year (he?) blesses good wealth (and religious) service.

... ... ... (there) exist ... and a man of ... And, lord, Magha

... ... ... day... the stone of law U...na Iri Magha

... ... ...

Sanskrit texts consisting of the Brahmi aksar in almost 24 lines.








B-1: left side of the text; B-2: central side of the text; B-3: right side of the text.(by Takashi ŌSAWA, 1997).

1-3. A new suggestion on the orientation of the Bugut stele, and the relation between the Sogdian texts and Brahmi texts

But the vast part can be middle part is continued from the left side, so this part should not regard as the first. As I supposed before in the paper, the beginning sentence of the Sogdian part illuminates concretely the purpose of this constriction and it is remarkable that this stele is fundamentally called means ‘the stone of the law’ that is, the stone stele of the Buddhism doctrine or Dharma. So in my view, the Western side of the Brahmi letters can be the front side of this stele and other three parts is to be recognized as the explanation why and when this stele was built and who built this.



B-4: Brahmi text of the Bugut stele (by Takashi ŌSAWA, 1997).


From this fact, we can point out that the Brahmi letters and Sanskrit language is probably for one Buddhist sutra can be also the cultural language, and the Sogdian language was used as the official languages.

This assumption can be supported by the fact that this stele was built by the next successor Niwar Kaghan of the Yaruka brother when Maga urukpar Tatpar Kaghan of the fourth leader of the First Turkic Kaghanate was dead. According to the Old Chinese chronicles of the ZC-50 and SS-80, Tatpar Kaghan is recorded that he reigned for 10 year after the dead brother Mukan Kaghan ruled for 20 years since he sat the throne in the 553 AD. So Tatpar Kaghan can be considered that he was dies in the 581 year. And according to the records of the Chinese sources, Tatpar Kaghan believed the Buddhism after the advice of the Chinese Buddhist monks named Elin, and then even he established the Sanga-rama (Buddhist temple) and performed, and he shaved his head and became a bronze, and prayed the Buddha surrounding the Buddhist pagoda (tower). Thus Tatpar Kaghan became a Buddhist priest, however, he also was ruler and surrendered the peoples and cities in the northern territory of the Chou and Qi dynasties. Such both characters are reflected in the Bugut stele in the contents of the Sogdian text. One character is attested from the existence of the Brahmi text that is probable written in Sanskrit language in the front side. Another one is shown from the expression of that Tatpar Kaghan ruled the all over the world with his elder brother Mukan Kaghan. From this, we can understand that this ruler had the both elements, that is, the nomad leader as the worrier and the believer of the Buddhist.

2. The other instances of the Sogdian language for the Old Turkic Kaghanate as the official language of the 6th AD.

2-1. Mongolküre inscription on the stone statue of the Old Turkic period In the Yili Steppe of the Xingjiang Uighur autonomous region. I would like to introduce other source carved in the Sogdian language as the official language among the Western Turkic Kaghanate (583-657 AD.). This source is the Sogdian text carved in the Old Turkic type of stone statue of the red granite stone (Fig. 3). This stone statue is belonging to the old Turkic site that was located in the Mongolküre steppe near the Tekes River in Zaosu county of the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous region of China. This text was firstly recognized by the Chinese archaeologists in 1953, however, this text was introduced as Old Uyghur text or Old Turkic runic text by several researchers. In 1972 Clark firstly identified this as Sogdian text, however, none tried to investigate and interpreted this text. In 1991, Sogdian specialist Prof. Y. Yoshida visited the researching Institute of Archeology and history in Xinjiang, and he tried to introduce this first edition of this Sogdian text on the basis of the unclear several pictures taken by Chinese researchers. And then in1992 this site and Sogdian text were researched and pictured by the international joint expedition between China and Japan under the supervisor of the Prof. M. Matsubara of the National museum of Ethnology in OSAKA, Japan. Afterward, depended on these pictures, Yoshida presented his new reading of this Sogdian text in the research meeting of the Museum, and he gave me this sources. This author tried to analyze this context and the historical background of the building of the site and stone statue comparing with the Old Chinese chronology and other sources concerning the Western Turkic Kaghanate. As a result of my research, this stone statue was built as the model of the Niri Kaghan of the grandson of the Mukan Kaghan, and it must have been established by his son Chula Kaghan in 599 AD after the death of his father Niri Kaghan (Ōsawa 1999: pp.346-352).







ap 2. ▲ : Mongolküre site, Zaosu county (pictured by Takashi ŌSAWA).










Fig.3. Stone statue of Niri Kaghan (Left and middle), and the part of Sogdian Inscription of Mongolküre Steppe, Zhaosu county, Yili province of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous region site.(Photos by Takashi ŌSAWA in 2006).

What is noteworthy is that the Sogdian letter and the Sogdian language are carved at the 20 lines vertically under the waste of the stone statue. Sogdian letters are partly broken and not conserved well. However, according to Y. Yutaka, as to the text of the 6-7th lines, it can be translated as ‘The grandson of God Mukan Kaghan, Chor Pay Niri Kaghan became the grand Kaghan in the hare year (595 AD.) as shown in the following:

T
ranscription.

L.6: . mwx’n x’γ’n npyšn βγy čwr-p’y nry x’γ’n

L.7: pr x(r)γwšk srδw mz’yx x’γ’n n’(m s)ty…

Translation.

The grandson of Mukan Kaghan,Tängri (Çor)-Pay Niri Kaghan became the Great Kaghan in the hare year. (Yoshida 1991: pp.75,83 ; Ōsawa 1999 :332-336; Ōsawa 2006 : 475-476; De la Vaisssaire 2010: p.221).

In my analysis from the historical point of view, Niri Kaghan can be identified with Nili Kaghan that was the son of the Yansu Teqin (Turk. Tigin). Until now it is unclear on the genealogy of the Yansu Tigin and his son Nili Kaghan and his grandson Chula Kaghan. Some researchers intended on that they must have been belonged to the Istemi and Tardu Kaghan’s genealogy. Other researchers intended on that they must have been belonged to the Mukan –Apa kaghan’s genealogy. However, from this inscription, Niri (Chinese Nili Kaghan) was the grandson of Mukan Kaghan.

So we can conclude first that Niri Kaghan was the grandson of Mukan Kaghan, and the son of Apa Kaghan’s little brother of Yansu Tigin and the father of Churi Kaghan (in Chinese Chula Kaghan). (Ōsawa 1999: pp.349-354; Ōsawa 2006: 477-487).

This Sogdian letters are carved in the 20th lines from the right to the left side. As I mentioned in my previous paper, this Sogdian inscription was inscribed in the body of the stone statue of the Old Turkic Niri Kaghan for the purpose of praising the Turkic leader’s legitimate birth of the royal family of the Ashinas tribe and his devoted contribution of his country and the peoples. If at that time the Old Turkic runic letter has invented, the runic writing system of the Turkic language or other official languages must have been carved in this memorial stone. But as shown in this case, there is no track of the evidences of runic or other letters in the steppe of the Tianshan Mountains or Semirechie and Talas Steppe under the Old Western Turkic Kaghanate.

From this, we can assume that there is no invention of the runic letter until the last period of the 6th AD. And the Sogdian language can be regarded as the official language in the memory of the country and public communication with the foreign countries.

2-2. Official documents or letters to the Byzantine or the Chinese dynasties issued by the Old Turkic Kaghan in the 6th c. AD.

This can be attested from the Menander Protectus of the 8th century that Sogdian ambassadors Maniakh served the first Kaghan Dizaboulos (Shinjibu, Silzibul, Dizabul, Ishtemi Kaghan) of the Western Turkic Kaghanate and he was sent to the Shax Khosro I. of the Sassanid dynasty or the Byzantine Emperor Justinus to trade the silk cloths, golden products and likes.

When Byzantine ambassador Zemarchus visited the headquarters (Ordu) of the Shinjibu Kaghan with Maniac and his companions in the 568 year AD., he reported that the old Turks recorded (Brockley 1985: 115; Naito 1998: 377). Until now, so-called word has been discussed among researchers, however, from the way of using this word in the Menander Protectus, it means general nomad peoples involving the Old Turkic tribes. So, it is not understandable as the concrete ethnics. And from the archaeological and historical points of views, Old Turkic aristocratic peoples had a custom of the using the Sogdian peoples as their ambassador, so the scripts can be identified with the Sogdian scripts and the languages under the rule of the Old Turkic Kaghanate.

Of course, from the old Chinese sources there are several reports written in old Chinese. And the greetings of the first sentences are also written in old Chinese words, however, according to P. Pelliot and Masao Mori (Pelliot 1929: 209; Mori 1967 441-442), can be reflected of the typical Turkic expressions. Especially formula of the greeting sentences can be reflected from the Turkic expressions, however, we cannot attest the evidence of the original scripts until the 8th century AD, so we should consider that these reports can be written in other languages that are very popular and useful among the Old Turkic Kaghans. As to this matter, as Prof. Sai declared before, it must be a clue of solving this matter. That is, he found that the typical formula of the report that the Sogdian king (Ikhshid) of the Samarkand kingdom to the Tang Emperor can be reflected of the Sogdian formula that was used in the official Sogdian letters from the Mug documents of Tajikistan (Sai 1996: 53-54). This suggestion is very significant for considering the Chinese documents that was issued by the Old Turkic Kaghan. In my view, the letters of Old Turkic rulers must have been interpreted from old Turkic language as their native speaking Turkic to the Sogdian language as the official language among the Turkic Kaghanate.

From this viewpoint, we can analysis the Chinese letter that the Old Turkic Kaghan Ishbara Kaghan addressed to the Sui Emperor Wendi in the dragon year (589 AD) can be originated from the Sogdian documents that was translated from the Old Turkic speaking language.

2-3. Official writings of the West Turkic Kaghans from the numismatic materials in the western Tianshan regions and Sogdiana

As well known, the first western Turkic Kaghan Dizabulos (Shinjibu, Istemi Kaghan) ruled the Sogdiana and Talas regions after the destruction of the Ephtalite Kaghanate in 557 AD. And he sent his son as the regional leader named Tudun. This can be supported by the fact that many coins were issued in the Sogdiana and cities of the northern steppe of the Tianshan Mountains. And they have the typical portraits of Old Turkic rulers or the aristocratic peoples among the Western Turkic Kaghanate. And in the other side, there are ruler’s name and the high-ranking titles for the royal family of the Ashinas such as Tardu, Jabghu, Tudun, Tigin and likes (Babayar 2007: 18-19).

From these numismatic materials, Old Turkic kaghan, kaghatun (Kaghan’s wife), Tigin and the high-ranking officials such as Yabgu, Shad, Ilteber and likes made Sogdian workmen carve his own portrait and his wife, or his high official officials in the coins in the Sogdian letter and Sogdian language.








Fig.4. Coins issued by the Old Turkic rulers (Sogdian letter around the Kaghan or his wife-Kaghatun’s portraits) (Babayar 2007: 66, 71).

From the recto of the coin No.4, we can see the Turkic Kaghan’s in the left and the

Kaghan’s wife-Kaghatun in the right, and from the verso, we can transliterate ZNH pny zpɤw yrcrɗnk and translate ‘this coin belongs to Yabgu il Čirdanak’ (Babayar 2007: 66-69). And from the recto of the coin No.7, we can see the Turkic ruler’s portrait, and from the verso, we can read ZNH p[n]y [zp]ɤw meaning ‘this coin belongs to Yabgu’(Babayar 2007: 71). And from the recto of No.8-11, we can see a portrait of Turkic ruler, and from the verso we can read ʼsβr’ (?) twrk [q]’γ’n pny meaning ‘this coin belongs to Išbara (?) Türk Qaγan’ (Babayar 2007: 71). From this we can know that Sogdian letter and language were the official language among the Western Turkic Kaghanate.

2-4. Other official writings from the Nestorian Christianity in the Sogdiana, Akbeshim, Semirechiye and the Tienshan Steppe

As you know, in Western Asia and Mezopotamiya areas, eastern Syrian Christianity was gradually spread out and the Churches and manastries were established and protected in the Persian regions under the rule of the dynasties of the Achaeminid, Parhtia and Sasanid, and then Nestorian missions settled in the oasis countries such as Marv, Samarkand, Bukhara, Akbeshim and Sarig (Krasnaya rechika), and then Almalik and protected their belief and religions in Central Asia under the Western Turkic Kaghanate during the 6th-8th C. AD. For example, we can know that the Nestorian Christian Churches were excavated from Samarkand, Akbeshim and Turfan regions and in Kyrgyzstan, we can find Nestorian Christian’s tomb stones more than 600. And in my view, the beginning date of tomb stone that was belonged to the Old Turkic peoples can be 789 year AD from the Akbeshim tomb. According the Lane’s research, in the first stages of this tomb stone, epitaph are carved in the Aramian language by the Estorangelo script, however, it seems clumsy. This means that this scribers were not be Syrian peoples, that is, the local Sogdian-Turkic believers of Nestorianism. According the form of the cities and the position of the districts of the tomb stones in the Akbeshim and Turfan areas, Christian communities are formed in the corner of the cities, and they settled in the certain district of the cities under the protected of the Western Turkic Kaghans as Kizilasov mentioned before (Kizilasov 2006: 322-329: Klein 2000: 14-18, 27-36). In my view, in this region, Estrangelo scripts and Aram languages can be used as well as the Sogdian script and languages among the elite peoples of the nomad society.


1: A cross sign with decoration of Sasanian from Samarkand (6th AD.) (Gillman & Klimkeit 2009: pl.17).



2: Coin with portrait of a ruler and sign of Cross from Sogdiana (6th AD). (Rtveradzs 2011:166).



3: Tombstone of the Syrian Christians with Aram inscription. (Rtveradzs 2011:169).



4. A sacred pot with the sign of a cross from the Urgut region of Samarkand (5-6th AD). (Rtveradzs 2011:168).



5. Fragment of sarcophagus on which three Sogdian-Turkic Syrian Christian or Manichean believers from Samarkand (7-8th AD.)

(Gillman & Klimkeit 2006: pl.23).


 

6. Stone figure of an Old Turkic Syrian Christian from the Isikkul region(7-8thAD.) (Oktay 2003: Fig.90).


Fig.5. Several sources concerning the Syrian Christianity from Sogdiana and Semirechie etc.

    

Fig.6. The route of the propagation of the Syrian Christianity towards the Central Asia.


3. The historical background of carving the Brahmi inscription of the Bugut stele under the Old Turkic Kaghanate in the 6th c. AD.

3-1. Why Tatpar Kaghan converted to the Buddhist?

As I introduced and analyzed the Bugut stele in the first chapter of this paper, the Brahmi part can be considered the front side of this stele and has the most important role in this stele. Then why this Brahmi inscription was carved in the most important front side of the Bugut stele? To this question, Klyashtornuyj and Livshitz considered that this can be explained by the fact that Tatpar Kaghan of the 4th kaghan of the Old Turkic kaghanate intended to strengthen the own political strength with the religious authority of the Buddhism (Klyashtornyj & Livshits 1972: 78-79).

Their supposition is possible from the viewpoints of the political-religious relationship under the rule of the nomad Empire such as Mongol Empire (cf. Moses1977). In this case, from the Chinese description of the Sui-shu 84, Tatpar Kaghan boasted that he has own two sons such as the emperors of the Qi and Zhou dynasties, and they tribute to the court of the Tatpar Kaghan competing each other, so his Turkic country will never become poor.

To this opinion, we should also consider the historical circumstance surrounding the Turkic Kaghanate, that was constructed of the nomad Turkic, Mongolian, and Tsungus tribal peoples, and the sedentary peoples such that the Iranian, Sogdian, Chinese, Indian peoples and likes. Especially from the viewpoints of believable and religious circumstance under the Old Turkic Kaghanate, we can mention that there are believers of the Shamanism, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism and Nestorian Christians etc. Shamanism is supported by the general nomad peoples that have traditionally believed the existed of the natural spirits and supernatural minds in the Shamans, and the Buddhism is the Chinese and Indian Buddhist monks and Chinese immigrants that has come from the Qi and the Zhou dynasty in the 6th c. AD. Zoroastrianism is, as well known, spread vast in the Sogdiana and the colonies of the oasis countries through the Silk road. For example, ‘xšwn’k and ‘xš’ywn means the same meaning of ‘king, sovereign; ruler’. But the first one can be generally used in the holly book of the Avester or the texts of holly Yasht, however, the latter one can be generally used for the contract documents. What is to be pay the attention is that in the Bugut inscription, the first word is attested, so we can suppose that this scriber of the Bugut inscription can be Sogdian of the Zoroastrianism. This situation can be also supported by the relief demonstrating the close relation between Sogdian merchants of the Zoroasterism and the Turkic ruler that were evident from the stone bed and coffin of the Sogdian tombstones of Tayuan, Xian, and Luoyang, though in particular it seems undoubted that the original funeral methods and the images of the related priests are much changed into Chinese methods under the influence of the Old Chinese culture (De la Vaissière & Trombert 2005).

And the Nestorian Christians came to the inner Asia through the Merv, Sogdiana, Semirechie, Yili, and the inner China regions from the Eastern Syria of the northern Mesopotamia, Iraq and Sassanid-Iran and the western border of the India. Especially in my view, Nestorian Churches were built in Marv, Samarkand and Akbesim (Sui-ab city) under the Western Turkic Kaghanate, and Sogdian and Turkic-Sogdian peoples converted to the Nestorian Christians under the institution of the Syrian or Sogdian sacred or patrician peoples, and as long as we can know, many Nestorian tombstones were discovered more than 600 in Semirechiye, Akbeshim, Sarig and Almalik cities. In my view, these peoples are attributed to the separated community in these cities under the Old Turkic rulers (Gillman & Klimkeit 1999; Klein 2000).

As mention above, in 566 AD The Qi dynasty was destroyed by the Zhou dynasty and the Buddhist monks escaped to the Mongolia under the Tatpar Kaghan. And according to the Chinese historiography named Xu-gao-seng-dian, we can point out that there is other stream of the Buddhist monks. According to the Buddhist monk’s historical records, 10 Buddhist monks including Bao-sui, Dao-sui, Seng-tan went to the western region and would like to learn the elementary Buddhism from the original Buddhist sutras in the Gandhara district, but on the way of returning back to their Qi country, they heard that the mother country was ruined by the Zhou dynasty, so they decided to stay in the Mongolia under the Tatpar Kaghan (Xu-gao-seng dian 2:114).

From this historical background, Tatpar Kaghan firstly looks like the combated to the Buddhist from the one aspect; however, he has to conserve the Buddhist Chinese and Indian peoples under the political authority.

3-2. Why did the Umna Kaghan built the Brahmi steles?

As I show from the Sogdian texts of the Bugut stele, there are two registrations that the son of the Tatpar Kaghan built two Buddhist memorial pillars named in the parts of the B-2 and B-3. As to the issues, I researched the historical monuments in the Mongolia steppe, and I found the two Brahmi steles, that had discovered by Mongolian archaeologist named Shinekhuu in the steppe that surrounding the stone hill in 1985. But at that time, this stele cannot be explained from the historical points of views. I researched the original places under the International joint expedition between Japan and Mongol in 2007 and 2008. These places are located in the middle steppe of the Tugla River in the Central province of Mongolia.

According to the Chinese SS-84, Tatpar’s son is named Anla, and he was also title Banna and invaded to the border the northern China under the order of the 5th Turk Ishbara Kaghan. And one he sat the throne after his father Tatpar, however, he has no political strength that competed with the rival of the Ashinas tribal leader Dalabian (Apa Kaghan), so he handed over the sovereignty to the Nivar Kaghan (later Ishbara Kaghan), and then he moved the Ordu of the Orkhon steppe to the right border of the Tugla River. Two Brahmi steles are also located in the very similar steppe along the Tugla River.

    

Map2. Locations of the old Turkic inscriptions and sites in Mongolia along the Orkhon,Tamir and Tugla Rivers (by Takashi Ōsawa).

According to the Chinese SS-84, Tatpar’s son is named Anla, and he was also title Banna and invaded to the border the northern China under the order of the 5th Turk Ishbara Kaghan. And one he sat the throne after his father Tatpar, however, he has no political strength that competed with the rival of the Ashinas tribal leader Dalabian (Apa Kaghan), so he handed over the sovereignty to the Nivar Kaghan (later Ishbara Kaghan), and then he moved the Ordu of the Orkhon steppe to the right border of the Tugla River. Two Brahmi steles are also located the very similar steppe along the Tugla River.

And we tried to find the corresponding to the Brahmi steles near the hill of the Brahmi steles, and we could find the original hill that two stele s were established. However, there are no Old Turkic monuments.

Then next year, we researched in other places along the Tugla River, depending on the record of G. Ramstedt and S. Pälsi’s expedition of 1909. At last in 2007 we could find the big stone circle in the Bronze ages, however, and in the near place from the big stone circle, we could find the monuments of a square stone enclosure in stone circle and balbal stones in the east direction. This can be identified with the Old Turkic site named Sevsüür site (Bichees 2, p.99).

This tomb has the characteristic feature to the First Old Turkic Kaghanate period as well as the sites such as sites of Bugut and 1. Gindin Bulak (Bayn Tsgaan Khundy site) (Fig. 5). Thus, in my opinion, this site can be belonged to the Umna Kaghan’s tomb and monuments.

From this, I can consider that the Brahmi steles was built for the protection of the Chinese and Indian monks such as Jinagupta and Buddhist believers that had resided in the Mongolian steppe since the period of the rule of his father and former ruler Tatpar Kaghan.









Fig.4. Huis Tolgoi steles in Bulgan province, Mongolia (Photos by Takashi Ōsawa in 2007). In the museum of Mongolian Archaeology, Ulaanbaatar.








Fig.4. Huis Tolgoi (meaning ‘The hill of Huis’) and the steppe around the hill (Photos by Takashi Ōsawa).








Fig.5. Plan of the Sevsüür site, Mogod county, Bulgan province, Mongolia (MSSR 65, Fig.12) and center part of the stone circular (by Takashi Ōsawa 2007).

4. The belief and worship to the sacred Mountains as the world cultural center under the early Turkic Kaghanate in the 6th C. AD.

As well know, Since Mukhan Kaghan’s period, Old Turkic peoples has the customs to worship the sacred Mountains named ïduq Ötükän yïš that can be identified with the Khangai forest and mountains in Mongolia. In my view, this mountain can be regarded as the plenty of many trees and many irons as I could reconstruct and attest the cultural meaning from the fragments of the 13th line of the southern side of the Köl Tigin inscription in the following (Ōsawa 2011: 414-418) .

(transcription) Tämir ärsär : otqa yirtä : i : ärsär ärig yirtä yirtä: bäŋgü taš: toqïtdïm :

(translation) In the place that is enogh strong to bear the fire as if it is iron, and in the place where it is enough strong as if it is tree, I carved the inscription.

As well know, this place where the writer described here is Ötükän yer where the Orkhon inscriptions wre established of the Kosho-Tsaidam basin near the Orkhon River in Mongolia. And as we know that Old Turkic term yer can be regarded as the concept meaning not only ‘earth’, but also ‘hill, mountain’ as Klyashtornuyi supposed before. So the very sentence indicated that Ötükän yer is defended by the natural power of iron and three (forest). And these two concepts can be strongly connected to the important cultural elements of Shamanizm among the nomad peoples of Central Eurasian Steppe.

Especially irons can be feared and respected by the shamanistic nomadic peoples because they believe that iron can protect the evil or bad spirit from the religious points of view. That is, this mountain can be regarded as the center of the Shamanistic world, therefore this mountain had been worshipped and protected by the Old Turkic Kaghans.

The similar belief and worship can be attested in the Western Turkic Kaghanate from the philological and archaeological points of views. For example, the younger brother Dizabolous (Istemi Kaghan) of the Yili Kaghan (Bumin Kaghan) placed his capital in the Yildiz Steppe of the Ak Tag ‘White Mountain’, that can be attested with the high mountains where is located in the north from the Kuca oasis country as Suishu 84, though their aristocratic peoples worship the Bogd uul (sacred mountain) in the north from the Turfan basin as the sacred cave from that their ancestor had come out in their own legend. And then in the last period of the 6th century, Churi Kaghan and Shiyi Kaghan placed the center in the Yildiz Steppe, and they placed the little capital in the Merke Steppe near the Sui-ab and the Talas oasis countries.

In my view, Merke Steppe can be also important strategic center from the points of political and cultural points of views among the Western Turkic Kaghanate. This can be attested as Ak Tag from the Chinese Chronology as I had certificated as the sacred Mountains (Ōsawa 2009:52-55).Especially relation with this, I could research the Old Runic Inscription of the stone-steppe near the Merke Mountains with the assistance of Kazakh Archaeologist Dr. A. Dosymbaeva in the April of 2009. The photo of this stone has been published by her (Dosymbaeva 2006: photo 64). At a glance, firstly I could read the five old runic letters as ‘Abaŋïŋ y(i)š’ that means ‘Mountains of Your Ancestor’. However, later when I revised the letters under the upper letters I distinguished original runic letters, moreover, in the upper and bellow lines of this inscription, there are same runic letters as follows:

(Transcription) yaɣïz yerimiz a: yïta!

(Translation) To our grown earth oh!, what a pity!








Fig.6:Old Runic inscription of the Merke Steppe (left) and The Merke Mountains from the Merke Steppe (By Takashi Ōsawa 2009).

At this present, firstly describer carved the original letters, and then in the later times, an another Turkic writer must have carved the new runic letters over the original one. But the second describer did not write down the same letters as the original letters, another runic letters to explain his special feeling to the Merke Mountains.

If it my reading can be right, as I mentioned before, old Turkic term yer means ‘earth’ involving the ‘mountain. So this content of this inscription means that the Merke Steppe and Mountains are regarded as respectful being among the old Turkic nomad peoples under the Western Turkic Kaghanate as Dosymbaeva mentioned before (Dosymbaeva 2002).

And my interpretation mentioned above can be supported by the fact that near the Steppe and Mountains of the Merken Montains, we can recognize many rock carvings and Old Turkic type stone statues that had been elected in the rock stones or their tombs or shrines for their dead, and later they are regarded as the symbols of their ancestors. Especially these Old Turkic stone figures were also respected and worshipped among the Old Turkic peoples as the sacred ones that was possessed by the spirit of their ancestor at the feast of their religious festival.

From these archeological and philological materials, we can say that the Merke Mountains has a considerable important significance since the old times from the political and religious points of views as well as the Ötükän yïš of Mongolia and Ak Tag ‘White Mountains’near the Yildiz Steppe of the Tianshan Mountains.

On one hand, Sui-ab or Talas regions can be considered as the political and commercial center among the sedentary peoples such as Sogdian, Iranian, Indian, Chinese peoples that were Zoroastrian, Manichean, Buddhist and Nestorian Christian believers etc., on the other hand, these areas can be also regarded as the religious and cultural center among the old Turkic tribes that were traditional shamanistic believers.  

Conclusions

1. In my view, the first side of the Bugut stele should be the Brahmī side (B4) after the philological and comparative researches with the other Old Turkic monuments.

2. Bugut stele is built for the fourth great Turkic Kaghan Tatpar Kaghan who died in Hare year (580) in the 580 years by the Niwar Kaghan that succeeds the great kaghan’s title through the Umna Kaghan, especially the part of the shrine building of the center of this mound can be built by 581.

3. In the Sogdian texts, there are three description of the building of the nom sank, that is Buddhist law (dharma) steles. As my analysis, the one is the Bugut inscription involving the Brahmī texts, and the other two ones can be two Brahmī steles in the Huis Tolgoi inscriptions.

4. Huis tolgoi inscriptions are to be built by Umna Kaghan in the north territory where his headquarter was established near the Tugla River.

5. As a result of our field research under the Bichees 2, we can discovery the Sewsüür site that can be belonged to the first Turkic Kaghanate again after the first discovery of Sakari Pälsi in 1910.

6. So, at this present, I would like to suggest that Sevsüür site was to be built for Umna Kaghan after his death in the 590 years.

7. As to the official language in the early Old Turkic Kaghanate, Sogdian letter and language are used as official language as well as old Chinese language although Turkic language was common language among Turkic speaking peoples in the Old Turkic Kaghanate.

8. As to the cultural languages among the cities under the roles of the Kaghans and his aristocratic peoples named Beg, sedentary peoples came in and resided there. At the cities, other blanches of Sogdian languages are used for Zoroastrian. And Aram language was also used as cultural language among the Nestorian Christian community involving the Syrians, Sogdian and Turkic peoples, and the Sanskrit language are written with the Brahmi letter as the cultural languages among the Buddhist monks and their believers under the rule of Old Turkic Kaghanate.

9. Old Turkic peoples worshipped the sacred Mountains both Mongolia and the Tianshan regions. One of the sacred Mountains was the Merke Mountains as certificated by the old Turkic inscriptions from the Merke Steppe as well as Old Chinese Chronology and archaeological materials such as stone figures and stone sarcophagus that can be regarded as their own ancestor.

Abbreviation

Bichees 2 = Ōsawa, Takashi & Suzuki, Kousetsu & Rinchinkhorloo, Mönkhtulga 2009: Bichees II, 2006 onoos 2008 oni Mongol uls dakh’ Türgiin bichees ba ertnii dursgalig sulakh ekspeditsiin irtgel (Report of Researches on Historical Sites and Turkic Inscriptions in Mongolia from 2006 to 2008, Japan - Mongolian Joint Expedition Project “BICHEES II”), Ulaanbaatar: SOFEX Co.10

BK = Bilgä Qaghan Inscription.

Moriyasu & Ochir = Moriyasu, Takao & Ayudai Ochir (ed.), Mongoru koku genzon iseki hibun kenkyû hôkoku, Osaka University, Osaka Daigaku, Chuô Yûrashia gaku kenkyûkai (In Japanese), (Site of Bugut. In. Provisional Report Of Researches on Historical Sites And Inscriptions In Mongolia From 1996 to 1998. Osaka Univerasity, The Society of Central Eurasian Studies)

MSSP = Halén, Harry 1982: Memoria Saecularis Sakari Pälsi. Aufzeichnungen von einer Forschungsreise nach der nördlichen Mongolei im Jahre 1909. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen Seura.

NAGK = Nairiku Ajia Gengo no Kenky, Osaka daigaku, Chuô Yûrashia gaku kenkyûkai, (Studies on the Inner Asian Languages, Osaka University, The Society of Central Eurasian Studies).

SS: Suishu, Zhong hua shu ju, Beijing 1973.

Xu-gao-seng dian. In. Gao seng dian he ji, Shang hai gu ji chu ban she, Shang hai1990, pp.105-382.

ZS: Zhou shu, Zhong hua shu ju, Beijing 1971.

Bibliography

Babayar. G. (2007) Köktürk Kağamlığı sikkeleri Kataloğu. Ankara.

Bazin, L. (1975) Turcs et Sogdiens: Les enseighements de l’inscription de Bugut (Mongolie). Mélanges linguistiques offerts à Émile Benveniste, Paris, pp.37-45.

Bazin, L (1988) Les Turcs et le Bouddhisme du VIe au VIIIe Siècle. Nichifutu Bunka 52, Tokyo, pp.11-129.

Blockley, R. C. (1985) The History of Menander the Guardsman, Liverpool.

Chavannes, E. (1903) Notes Additionnels sur Les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux. In. Documents sur Les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux, St-Petersbourg.

Chavvanes, E. (1905) Jinagupta. T’oung Pao 2-6, pp.332-356.

Clauson, G. (1972) An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirtheenth-Century Turkish. Oxford.

De la Vaissière, É. (2010) «!Maurice et le Qaghan!: à propos de la digression de Théophylacte Simocatta sur les Turcs!», Revue des études byzantines 68, pp.219-224.

De la Vaissière, É. & Trombert, É. (2005) Les Sogdiens and Chine, Paris.

Dosymbaeva, A. (2002) Merke-Sakral’naya zemlya tyurkov Zhetysu, Senim, Taraz.

Dosymbaeva, A. (2006) Zapadniy Tyurkskii Kaghanat, Kul’turnoe nasledie Kazakhskoi stepi, Almati.

Gillman, I. & H. J. Klimkeit (2006) Christians in Asia before 1500, London and Newyork.

Klyashtornyj, S.G. & V. Livshits (1972) The Sogdian Inscription of Bugut Revised. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 26-1, pp.69-102, -8 pls.

Klein, W. (2000) Das nestorianische Christentum an den Handelswegen durch Kyrgystan bis zum 14.jh (silkroad studies 3), Turnhout.

Kizlasov, L. R. (2006) Tyurko-Sogdijskogo Gorod Suyab- Stolitsa Zapadnotyurkskogo Kaghanata, Gorodskaya Tsivilizatsiya Sredinnoj i Severnoj Azii, Moskva, pp.219-350.

Moses, L. W. (1977) The political Role of Mongol Buddhism, Bloomington, Indiana.

Moriyasu, T. & T. Hayashi (1999) Buguto Iseki (Bugut site). In. Moriyasu & Ochir, p.121.

Kharzhaubai, S. (2003) Orkhon Myralari, Astana.

Yoshida, Y. (1991) Shinkyô Uigur jichiku shinsyutsu sogudogo shiryô (In Japanese), Studies on the Inner Asian languages (SIAS) 6, pp.57-83.

Yoshida Y.. Moriyasu, T. (1999) Bugut inscription (in Japanese). In. Moriyasu & Ochir, pp.122-125.

Mori, M.(1967) On the sentences of the report addressed by the Qimin kaghan of the Old Turkic Kaghnate (in Japanese), Kodai toruko minzokushi kenkyû (Hisrorical Studies of Ancient Turkish peoples I), Tokyo, Yamakawa Press.

Mori, M. (1992) Tokketsu teikoku naibu ni okeru sogudojin no yakuwari ni kansuru ichi shiryô-Bugudo Hibun (A source on the role of the Sogdians inside the Old Turkic Kaghanate- Bugut Inscription) (In Japanese). - Kodai toruko minzokushi kenkyû II, Tokyo, Yamakawa shutsppansya (In Japanese), (Historical Studies of Ancient Turkish peoples II) ,pp.200-215.(At the first time, this article was published in Shigaku Zasshi 81-1, 1972, pp.77-86).

Naito, M. (1988) Nishi Tokketsu no Kenkyuu (The studies on the western old Turkic history) (in Japanese), Tokyo, Waseda university press.

Nowgorodowa, E. A. (1980) Alte Kunst der Mongolei. Leipzig: E.A. Seeman Verlag.

Novgorodova, E. A. (1981) Pamyatniki izobrazitel’nogo iskusstva drevnetyurkskogo vremeni na 12 territorii MNR. Tyrkologicheskij Sbornik 1977, pp.203-218.

Oktay, B. Stone balbals and stuates in Human form in Kirghizistan, 2003, Istanbul.

Ōsawa, T. (1999) A stone statue with a Sogdian inscription along the Ili river in Xinjiang: As a source of the royal genealogy of the early Turkic Khanate periods (in Japanese), Bulleten of the National Museum of Ethnology Special Issue No.20, Osaka, pp.327-378.

Ōsawa, T. (2002) Batı Göktürk Kağanlığı’ndaki Aşinaslı Bir Kağan’ın Şeceresine Ait Bir Kaynak, Türkler 2, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, pp.79-88.

Ōsawa, T. (2006) Aspects of the relationship between The ancient Turks and the Sogdians. M.

Compareti & P. Raffetta & G. Scarcia (eds.) Ērān ud Anēran, Studies presented to the Boris Ilich Marshak on the occasion of his 70th Birthday, Napoli, pp.471-504.

Ōsawa, T. (2007) Buddhism Law and the cultural-political role among Old Turkic peoples in the Early Medieval Mongolian Steppe, S. V. Kalmikov et al (reds.) Chingiskhan i sud’bi

Harodov Evrazii II., Ulan-Ude, pp.83-96.

Ōsawa T. (2009) The Cultural –Religious relation between old Turkic kingship and their sacred Mountains in the early periods of the Westren Old Turkic Kaghanate, Medeni Mira 1-22, Astana, pp.47-56.

Ōsawa, T. (2011) The significance of the Ötükän yer to the ancient Turks, Mehmet Ölmez (ed.) Ötükän’den İstanbul’a Türkče’nin 1290 Yılı (720-2010) Sempozyumu Bildiri kitabı, İstanbul.

Rtveradzs, E. (2008) Tsivilizatsii gosudarstva Kul’turi Tsentral’noj Azii, Tashkent.

Rtveradzs, E. (Trans. by Kato Kyuzo) (2011) Kokogakuga Kataru Shirukuroodo (History of Silk Road from the Arcaeological points of view-Civilization, States, Culture of the Central Asia) (in Japanese), Heibonsha, Tokyo.

Sai, H. S. The nine barbarians and Old Turkish culture (in Chinese). Beijing.

Sher, Ya,A., Kammennie Izvayaniya Semirec’ya, 1966, Moskva-Leninglad.

Vojtov, V.E. (1996) Drevnetjurkskij Panteon i Model’ Mirozdanija v kul’tovo-Pominal’nykh Pamjatnikakh Mongolii VI-VIII vv., Moskva.




Достарыңызбен бөлісу:
1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   ...   14




©dereksiz.org 2024
әкімшілігінің қараңыз

    Басты бет