Алтайский вестник №1 (7), 2005



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U. Beket

Social-Economic Research Institute of Mongolian Academy of Science



Flora of Mongolian Altai.
Problems of its rational use and preservation

Although a range of books on flora of Mongolian Altai have been published1[62], Mongolian Altai is still among the regions the flora of which hasn’t been adequately explored yet. Our studies made it possible to fill the gaps, to trace general geographical mechanisms of flora allocation in Mongolian Altai, to reveal taxonomic variety of flora classes, to ascertain a zonal structure of flora and its peculiarity in different parts of the region, to execute cartographical works, to work out a detailed mean scale geobotanic map of Mongolian Altai, to make a list of plants.

The research showed that regions flora is heterogeneous. The territory can be easily divided into 4 parts, each characterized by particular altitude and peculiar number of structures. There are 1501 species (including 50 endemic and 82 subendemic) superior vascular plants that belong to 89 families and 440 genera.

As far as investigated ecological groups of species are concerned the flora is rather diverse. This fact is caused by the variety and contrast of ecotopes (from cold and humid mountains to arid and torrid intermountain troughs).

In many parts of Mongolian Altai we observed anthropogenic destruction of top-soil; especially where pastures are degradationing and man-caused disturbance of land tenure occurs. These negative after-effects indicate that it is of great importance to optimize land tenure to preserve rare endangered species and especially valuable phytocenosis. In view of the aforesaid we insist on taking the following actions on preservation and rational use of flora resources of Mongolian Altai:

To join efforts of Mongolia, the Russian Federation, China and the Republic Altai governments to establish transboundary preserves and game reserves with botanic garden;

To ban cutting down and logging trees and shrubs.

Besides it is important to work out a draft “On Rational Use and Preservation of Natural Pasture” on parliament level, taking into account the interests of all the states of Big Altai.

 

The Culture and History
of the Altaic people


A.V. Startsev

Altai State University, Barnaul



Altai and Mongolia:
From the History of Frontier Cooperation

The history of economic relations between Altai and Mongolia goes back as far as 200 years. They started in the second half of the 18th century when a group of enterprising Russian migrators went up to the Altai Mountains to carry out a barter trade with local nomads. By the end of the century a marked had been established in Chuya valley. There collaborated Russian traders, Altaians, Tuvinians, Mongolian frontier guards and Chinese merchants’ salesmen. In 20-30s of the 19th century merchants built a few cabins in Chuya valley to keep their goods. That is how Kosh-Agach settlement started.

Until the middle of the 19th century trade in Kosh-Agach was semi-legal since it was not officially covered by Russian-Chinese agreements. Beijing agreement (1860) and “The Rules of Land Trade” (1862) signed by Russian and Chinese officials let Russian citizens travel abroad and transfer their trade into the cities of North-western Mongolia — Cobdo and Ulyasutai.

This trade was immediately recognized by the locals, and Russian goods (fabric, metal articles, dressing leather, etc.) were in great demand. Very soon Chinese merchants couldn’t compete with Russians in textiles trade. Copper and metal articles were also widely popular. The trade with locals was mainly bartering. In 70-80s of 19th century the main barter article was furs, predominantly marmot fells. Along side with furs Biysk merchants also imported livestock and wool from Mongolia.

The fact that there were no convenient roads hampered trade expansion. Chuya high road, that was used to deliver goods, ran in almost impassible uninhabited region. The most difficult part was between Ongudai and Kosh-Agach. It was just a narrow trail that spun along steep beetling over the river mountainsides. It was only in 1920 that a bridle-path was turned into vehicle road, but it still didn’t solve the problem of big consignment transportation.

In spite of all these difficulties trade along Chuya high road was dramatically developing. According to the official documents its turnover increased 7 times from1870 to 1885. Chuya merchants actively traded not only on the territory of North-Western Mongolia, but tried to get into Inner China market.

Unlike Chinese merchants who, as I.Y. Korostovetz put it, “look upon Mongolians as an inferior race, made to be exploited”, Chuya merchants developed their business contacts with Mongolians into informal friendly relations.

Biysk merchants’ interests went beyond their own welfare; they also contributed significantly to the studies of Mongolia. They assisted in launching scientific expeditions, accompanied them as guides and interpreters, carried out different scientists’ commissions, supplying Russian museums with exhibits and even full collections. In their dairies and reports Russian orientalists N.M. Przhevalski, G.N. Potanin, A.M. Pozdneev, P.K. Kozlov and others thanked Biysk merchants for help and assistance. Some entrepreneurs were members of scientific societies. I.P. Kotelnikov, a merchant, was a full member of Russian Geographic Society. Another Chuya merchant N.I. Assanov had been a Corresponding Member of Imperial Academy of Sciences since 1901, and in 1902 was awarded a medal “For eagerness ” for his assistance in D.A. Klement’s scientific expedition.

The above mentioned facts prove that trade-economic and cultural bonds between Altai and North-Western Mongolia were constantly developing and getting richer. It is significant to mention that the initiative for its development belonged not to state government or local administration, but to inhabitants who lived near borders and were searching for better ways of mutually beneficial cooperation.



Besud B. Batmunh,
Navaan zoch H. Tsedev

Hobd University, Mongolia



Zaya Pandita Ogtorguin Dalai

Rabzhamba Zaya Pandita Ogtorguin dalai (1599-1662) holds a significant place among people who played a very impotent role in Mongolian political, religious and cultural history. He is an outstanding Mongolian enlightener who received a classical Buddhist education. From 1639 till 1662 Zaya Pandita Ogtorguin dalai took an active part in political and religious life of Mongolia. He contributed a lot to protect the sovereignty of the country, to spread essential religious principles of Buddhism and to develop Mongolian culture in general.

He was named Namhaizhamz when he studied in the Tibet. In Mongolian language it sounds “Ogtorguin dalai” and can be translated as “Cosmic (heavenly) sea”. After 10 years of studies in Tsogtbereivun monastery he brilliantly carried out complicated debate on religion and philosophy with Tibet lamas who are well known for their erudition. As a result of that debate he was given the rank of “Rabzhamba”. In 1638 Zaya Pandita was sent to his Motherland on a religious and educational mission by three spiritual Tibet enlighteners. Before Zaya Pandita returned to Mongolia Dalai-lama V had appealed to him saying: “You, my young student, should help Mongolian speaking nations to translate religious books”1[63].

Zaya Pandita carried out his mission in a very hard period of Mongolian history. The times when Tsinsk Empire pursued an aggressive policy in Central Asia that threatened Mongolian sovereignty. On his arrival to Mongolia in autumn 1639 Zaya Pandita spent the winter in Tarbagatai at Ochit Tsetsen Khan’s, a very powerful politician of those times. Being a religious authority and a highly educated person, Zaya Pandita actively participated in the preparation of the documents for the united congress of Western and Eastern princes, who had to get over their pride and discord to rebuff a common enemy. This congress took place at the beginning of 1640. The idea of Mongolian nations’ reunion was manifested in the final document “Ih Tsaaz” (Great Code), which proclaimed defense of Mongolian sovereignty to be a duty of all classes. Many research workers such as K.F. Golstunskii, Sh. Norov, H. Luvsanbandan, S. Tsolmon, A. Taivaa consider Rabzhamba Zaya Pandita to be the most active participant of that congress. It was the beginning of his social and political career that was devoted to his Motherland’s welfare.

In spring 1641 Zaya Pandita was invited by the most powerful Mongolian politicians. The aim of his visit in Halha was to interpret “Ih Tsaaz” law. In 1650 Zaya Pandita went to the Tibet to solve the problems of Mongolian foreign policy towards the Tibet and Tsinsk Empire. At the same time the outstanding enlightener made every effort to put an end to inner discords and to resume negotiations between different Mongolian rulers. While he carried out intermediate political activities till 1660s, the major aimaks were not at undisguised enmity with each other, though they were at odds at times. He sometimes personally stopped armed conflicts and reconciled instigators, using his gift to persuade people and tremendous personal authority2[64].

Zaya Pandita was also active to diffuse Buddhism. When he came back to Mongolia from the Tibet he organized “Ih Huree” — Oyrat Religious and Cultural Center. Firstly it was important to struggle systematically against shamanism and to spread Buddhism from one religious center. Secondly there was a need to translate religious Buddhist books into mother tongue and popularize them among people of the same tribes (tribe mates). Thirdly it was of importance to prepare professional contingent of Buddhist clergymen and translators of religious texts from Tibetan into Mongolian. “Ih Huree” where monks spoke two languages had become a center of translation. There was a xylographic shop, a rich library of Buddhist manuscripts and a xylographica there. Due to Zaya Pandita’s various activities Mongolian monasteries and the faithful were supplied with religious literature of high translation quality.

Among different types of writing used by Mongolian nomads there was “a clear written language” that was introduced by Zaya Pandita in winter of 1648. “A clear written language” combined written languages of three states: “India, as a country of reincarnates”, “The Tibet as a country of snow”, and “Mongolia as a country of mare koumiss”. The aims of introducing “a clear written language” were to unite Mongolian speaking nations in their struggle for political and cultural independence of the country and to promote the spread of Buddhism in Mongolia. The third reason for the development of “a clear written language” lies within the inner logic of Mongolian language development. Lots of works in linguistics, religion, history and culture of Mongolian tribes are written in “a clear written language”. Now it is being revived.

In order to disseminate Buddhism in Mongolia Rabzhamba Zaya Pandita translated a great number of books and Sutras into his mother tongue. Each was finished with his own poems. At the end of his translations he wrote melodious poems that consisted of 4- 100 lines and embellished his work. All these translations have become precious cultural monuments and historical sources.

Rabzhamba Zaya Pandita, an outstanding Mongolian enlightener, a creator of “a clear written language”, a great religious figure, a translator and a poet, died in 1662 on the way to the Tibet near Lake Kukunor. His progenies took over his mission.

Bibliography:

1. B. Batmunh. Zaya Pandita Ogtorguin dalai. Ulanbator, 2004, p.162

2. Radnabadraa. Rabzhamba Zaya Bandidin sarni gerel hemeeh orshvoi. / Hevleld beltgesen Zh. Tsoloo/ CSM. Vol. V. Fasc-2. Ulaan-Baatar, 1967.

3. R. Gurbazar. Orchuulgin onol, dadlagin undes. Ulaanbatar, 1996, p.40



Luntengiyn Batchuluun

Mongolian Ornamental Design1[65]

Artistic metal processing is considered to be male’s type of Mongolian traditional art. The roots of jeweler’s art go back as far as the time of nomadic tribes that inhabited the Great Steppe. Artistic metal works are divided into two groups.

The fist group consists of works used in house keeping (ex. locks, household goods and etc.). The second group includes jewelry or goods made of precious metal (saddles, knifes, rings and etc.). All arts in the world look alike, but at the same time each type of arts is unique in a certain way.

Mongolian folk art especially jeweler’s art reveals an immense world of beauty and wisdom. Jeweler’s art was known to Mongolians from time immemorial and unlike other nomads Mongolians mastered this difficult craft. High quality techniques and artistic flair that are reflected in simplicity of proportions, pliant perfection of shapes, peculiarity of color and rhythmic forms turned simple objects of everyday life into real masterpieces of folk decorative art, which haven’t lost their aesthetic value.



Some craftsmen preferred simple geometrical patterns like a network out of two crossed circles, interweaving of ulzia or cellular patterns, that stand out against smooth metal background. Other craftsmen preferred full covering to raised pictures of complicated plots most often with dragons, vegetative sprouts or ornament “Ten thousand Years of Happiness” (“tumennasan”) and etc. In the 17th century the unsurpassed art of G. Zanabadzar, an outstanding Mongolian master of plastic art and lead molding (casting) who managed to reflect physical and spiritual perfection of a human being within tough frames of religious canon, initiated Mongolian classic school and made considerable impact on future art.




1[1] Для сайта «Алтай трансграничный», собственный корреспондент А. Телегин.

1[2] Трубецкой Н.С. Наследие Чингисхана. — М., 1999. Cтр.230-243.

1[3] Личности Николая Константиновича посвящена работа Г.Д. Гребенщикова, публикуемая в настоящем номере журнала.

2[4] Н.К. Рерих. Листы дневника. Т.1. Международный Центр Рерихов, 1995, с. 532-534.

1[5] Кожинов В.В. О русском национальном сознании. М., 2002, с.171–175.

* Работа выполнена по гранту Российского гуманитарного научного фонда, проект № 04-03-00531а.

1[6] См., например: Попков Ю.В. Интернационализация в традиционном и современном обществах. — Новосибирск, 2000; Попков Ю.В., Костюк В.Г., Тугужекова В.Н. Этносы Сибири в условиях современных реформ (Социологическая экспертиза). Новосибирск, 2003; Пак О.В., Глендиннинг Э., Попков Ю.В. Социальное самочувствие молодежи Сибири (международное исследование): Новосибирск и Новосибирская область. Новосибирск, 2004.

2[7] См.: Костюк В.Г. Возможности цивилизационного подхода в этносоциологии // Гуманитарные науки в Сибири. 2003. №3.

3[8] См.: Попков Ю.В. Интернационализация в традиционном и современном обществах. Гл. 2.

1[9] См.: Попков Ю.В., Тюгашев Е.А. Евразийство как социокультурный тип // Гуманитарные науки в Сибири. — Новосибирск, 2003. — № 3; Костюк В.Г. Славяно-тюркское единство — основа евразийской цивилизации. // Гуманитарные науки в Сибири. — 2002. — № 1. Костюк В.Г. Славяно-тюркско-монгольский синтез в евразийской цивилизации // Этносоциальные процессы в Сибири. — Новосибирск, 2003. — Вып. 5.

2[10] См., в частности: Гончарова Г.С., Савельев Л.Я. Семейно-брачные отношения у народов Сибири: Проблемы, тенденции, перспективы. — Новосибирск, 2004.

1[11] Эти и другие негативные тенденции развития фиксируются в материалах государственной статистики, а также в экспертных и массовых социологических опросах населения. Из последних работ на эту тему см., например: Социальная многоликость Сибири в условиях общественных перемен. — Новосибирск, 2003; Попков Ю.В., Костюк В.Г., Тугужекова В.Н. Этносы Сибири в условиях современных реформ. — Новосибирск, 2003.

2[12] См.: Тува за 80 лет: Юбилейный статистический сборник. — Кызыл, 2001. — С. 49.

1[13] Более подробное обоснование цивилизационных дихотомий, а также выборки проведенного исследования см.: Попков Ю.В., Костюк В.Г., Тугужекова В.Н. Этносы Сибири в условиях современных реформ: социологическая экспертиза. — Новосибирск, 2003.

1[14] См. Звезда Алтая №150-153 от 28 июля 2005 года.

2[15] Заключение экспертной комиссии государственной экологической экспертизы материалов «Обоснование инвестиций в строительство Алтайской гидроэлектростанции на р. Катуни в Республике Алтай». г. Москва «27» июля 2004 г. Утверждено приказом Министерства природных ресурсов Российской Федерации «05» 08 2004 г. №600.

1[16] А это порядка 100 МВт-часов дополнительной нагрузки на линии электропередач летом и порядка 25-40 МВт-часов в зимний период. — см. Материалы «Обоснования инвестиций в строительство Алтайской гидроэлектростанции на р. Катунь в Республике Алтай». Книга 6 «Основные строительные решения». Приложение №1 «Анализ условий выдачи мощности Алтайской ГЭС». Москва, 2004. — стр. 7.

1[17] Материалы «Обоснования инвестиций в строительство Алтайской ГЭС на р. Катунь в Республике Алтай». Книга 6 «Основные строительные решения». Москва, 2004. — стр. 18.

2[18] 3,8 тыс. человек. Предварительные данные. — см. Статистический ежегодник Республики Алтай, 2005 год, стр. 102.

1[19] Без учета лиц, занятых в домашнем хозяйстве, индивидуальным трудом и по найму, в крестьянских (фермерских) хозяйствах. См. Статистический ежегодник Республики Алтай, 2005 год, стр. 104.

2[20] См. Статистический ежегодник Республики Алтай, 2005 год, стр. 102.

3[21] См. Статистический ежегодник Республики Алтай, 2005 год, стр. 185-188.

4[22] См. Постскриптум №41 (536) от 7 октября 2004 года, стр. 7. А также материалы «Обоснования инвестиций в строительство Алтайской гидроэлектростанции на р. Катунь в Республике Алтай» Книга 2 «Исходные данные». Москва, 2004. — стр. 5.

5[23] Срок строительства ГЭС — 3 года. (см. Материалы «Обоснования инвестиций в строительство Алтайской ГЭС на р. Катунь в Республике Алтай». Книга 3 «Анализ энергетического рынка». Москва, 2004. — стр. 11).

6[24] Ежегодно Региональная энергетическая комиссия Республики Алтай повышает тариф на 25%. При таких темпах роста тарифа к моменту окончания строительства стоимость одного киловатт-часа для населения составит:
К началу 2006 года: 1,55 х 1,25 = 1,94 руб.
К началу 2007 года: 1,94 х 1,25 = 2,42 руб.
К началу 2008 года: 2,42 х 1,25 = 3,03 руб.
К началу 2009 года (начало эксплуатации Алтайской ГЭС): 2,42 х 1,25 = 3,78 руб.

1[25] До 1992 года Республика Алтай была Горно-Алтайской автономной областью в составе Алтайского края.

2[26] См. Сводное заключение экспертной комиссии Государственной экологической экспертизы Госкомприроды РСФСР по рассмотрению доработанного проекта строительства Катунской ГЭС с контррегулятором Чемальской ГЭС в соответствии с замечаниями ГЭК Госплана РСФСР. г. Москва 4 июля 1989 г.

1[27] Постскриптум №49 (544) от 2 декабря 2004. Стенограмма сессии депутатов Чемальского района 23 ноября 2004 года.

1[28] Постскриптум №49 (544) от 2 декабря 2004. Стенограмма сессии депутатов Чемальского района 23 ноября 2004 года.

2[29] См. Книга 6 «Основные строительные решения», М., 2004, стр. 26.

3[30] Рекогносцировка [<лат. recognoscere рассматривать] — 1) разведка с целью получения сведений о расположении противника, его огневых средствах, особенностях местности, где предполагаются боевые действия, и т. п., проводимая командирами или офицерами штаба перед началом боевых действий; 2) геод. предварительное обследование местности для производства геодезических работ; р. карт — приведение содержания устаревших топографических карт в соответствие с современным состоянием местности (см. Словарь иностранных слов).

1[31] Орлова Т.Т. Сибирские лесные фермы — реальность или фантазия? — в сборнике: Ресурсы ноосферного движения. Материалы международной конференции. Вып. 2. Рыбинск, 2004. — стр. 210-215.

1[32] Материалы «Обоснование инвестиций в строительство Алтайской гидроэлектростанции на р. Катунь в Республике Алтай». Книга 2 «Исходные данные». Москва, 2004. — стр. 23.

2[33] С.П. Суразакова (Горы Алтая — трансграничная биосферная территория устойчивого развития. Новосибирск, Издательство СО РАН, 2002. с. 101-103).

1[34] А. Гуляев, В. Кожара. Пока камни не стали прахом. — в сборнике: Ресурсы ноосферного движения. Материалы международной конференции. Рыбинск, Рыбинский дом печати, 2004.

1[35] См., например, книгу Огородникова И.А., Макаровой О.Н., Дубыниной Е.С. «Экодом в Сибири».

1[36] Например, Юнатов 1950; Буян-Орших, 1992; Волкова, 1996; Огуреева, 1999; Оюунцэцэг, 2000 и др.

1[37] Цит. по: Моисеев В.А. Россия и Джунгарское ханство в XVIII в. (Очерки внешнеполитических отношений). — Барнаул, 1998. — C. 173.

2[38] Чимитдоржиев Ш.Б. Русско-ойратские связи в XVII в. // Вестник Ленинградского университета. — 1958. — №20. — С. 140.

3[39] См.: Басин В.Я. Россия и казахские ханства в XVI-XVIII вв.: Казахстан в системе внешней политики Российской империи. — Алма-Ата, 1971.Бекмаханов Е.Б. Присоединение Казахстана к России. — М.,1957. Казахско-русские отношения в XVIII — XIX вв. (1771-1867 гг.). Сборник документов и материалов. — Алма-Ата, 1964.

1[40] Казахско-русские отношения в XVIII — XIX вв. (1771-1867 гг.). Сборник документов и материалов. — Алма-Ата, 1964. — Док. №42. — C. 86-88.

2[41] См.: Русско-китайские отношения. 1689-1916. Официальные документы. — М.,1 959. — Док. №11, 17. — С.35, 56.

1[42] Энциклопедия Кирилла и Мефодия. — М., 2003 г.

1[43] См. «Кто и что писал о работах Г.Д. Гребенщикова». Архив А.Б. Фирсова.

2[44] Печатается по тексту ежемесячного журнала «Москва» (Чикаго, США), октябрь 1929 г. В английском тексте название очерка Г.Д. Гребенщиков — «Зов Азии). (Примечание А.Б. Фирсова).

1[45] Важнейшие чины в духовной иерархии тибетского буддизма.

2[46] Б. Батмунх. Зая Бандида Огторгуйн далай. Улаанбаатар, 2004.

1[47] Раднабадраа. Рабжамба Зая Бандидын сарны гэрэл хэмээх оршвой. /Хэвлэлд бэлтгэсэн Ж.Цолоо/ CSM. Том V. Fasc-2. Улаан-Баатар, 1967. т. 3а.

1[48] Лан — денежная единица в виде серебряных слитков.

1[49] Р.Гурбазар. Орчуулгын онол, дадлагын ундэс. Улаанбатар, 1996, стр 40.

1[50] Мы печатаем с незначительными сокращениями фрагмент монографии автора «Искусство монгольского кузнеца» (2004), ставшей итогом его многолетних исследований монгольского декоративно-прикладного искусства.

1[51] Сутай — один из синонимов слова «гора».

2[52] Кайркан — почтительное обращение к горе, подчеркивающее ее святость.

3[53] Традиционный монгольский халат.

1[54] Одна из наиболее крупных рек Западной Монголии, протекающая через г. Ховд.

2[55] Одно из великих озер Западной Монголии.

3[56] Хадак — ритуальный шарф синего цвета, который преподносится по традиции дорогим гостям.

1[57] N.S. Trubetskoi. Chingishan’s Heritage. — Moscow: Agraph, 1999. p. 230-243.

1[58] G.D. Grebenshikov’s work, which is published in this issue, is dedicated to N.K. Roerich.

2[59]N.K. Roerich. Dairy pages. Vol. 1. International Roerich Center, 1995, pp. 532-534.

1[60] V.V. Kozhinov. “On Russian National Awareness”. M., 2002, pp. 171-175.

1[61] The work in carried out as a part of fundamental researches RAS “Ethnicultural Interactions in Eurasia” and was in collection articles “Ethnosocial Processes in Siberia”. Issue 6. Novosibirsk, 2004.

1[62] For example Yunatov 1950; Buyan-Orshih, 1992; Volkova, 1996; Ogureva, 1999; Oyuunzezeg, 2000 and others.

1[63] B. Batmunh. Zaya Pandita Ogduin dalai. Ulanbator, 2004, 162p.

2[64] Radnabadraa. Rabzhamba Zaya Bandidin sarni gerel hemeeh orshvoi. / Hevleld beltgesen Zh. Tsoloo/ CSM. Vol. V. Fasc-2. Ulaan-Baatar, 1967.

1[65] It’s a shortened fragment of monograph “The Art of Mongolian Blacksmith” (2004) that was a result of long-term studies of Mongolian arts and crafts.


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